[Discussion] Fragments of Culture: The Everyday of Modern Turkey

[Gonul]

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	*Deniz Kandiyoti and Ayse Saktanber, eds.* /Fragments of Culture: The 
Everyday of Modern Turkey//. /New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 
2002. ix + 350 pp. Bibliography, index. $60.00 (cloth), ISBN 
0-8135-3081-4; $25.00 (paper), ISBN 0-8135-3082-2.

Reviewed by *Alev Cinar*, Department of Political Science, Bilkent 
University.
Published by H-Gender-MidEast <http://www.h-net.msu.edu/%7Egend-mid/> 
(August, 2003)


*A Thick Description of Fragments of Culture in Turkey*

Fragments of Culture is a much-needed volume for students and scholars 
of Turkish studies, bringing together articles that examine different 
aspects of everyday life in Turkey, ranging from urban residential 
styles and gender and class hierarchies in shopping and education to 
folk-dancing, Islamic fashion shows, and a community of transsexuals in 
Istanbul. This collection is only the second comprehensive work on 
society and culture in Turkey available, after Sibel Bozdogan and Rezat 
Kasaba's edited Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey 
(1997), that responds to the needs of both researchers and teachers. 
However, in contrast to Bozdogan and Kasaba's volume, which successfully 
brings together scholars from different disciplines discussing a single 
theme, namely Turkish modernity, Fragments of Culture lacks such 
interdisciplinarity and thematic focus.

Providing a thoughtful and insightful introduction, Deniz Kandiyoti 
frames the collection as an investigation into "the mutual 
'culturisation' of politics and 'politicisation' of culture [that] can 
only be interpreted through a serious engagement with emerging arenas of 
subcultural expression and cultural production" (p. 5). Indeed, each of 
the individual essays focuses on a particular cultural "fragment" and 
most of them provide a thick description of the production of culture, 
and related class and gender hierarchies. Since none of the authors 
actually provides a clear definition of how they understand politics or 
engages in an analytical discussion as to how culture is politicized, 
the collection does not live up to the larger frame promised by Kandiyoti.

In her introduction, Kandiyoti also situates the collection within 
postcolonial and poststructuralist criticism, thereby appealing to an 
interdisciplinary audience interested in critical approaches to culture 
and politics. The fact that the cultural context under investigation is 
Turkey makes this promise all the more appealing, since, as Kandiyoti 
notes herself, critical studies of culture and politics have suffered 
from confining their scope to the "post-industrial West" (p. 17). In 
sum, the reader is left to expect not only an illumination of the 
cultural landscape of Turkey, but a more substantial contribution to 
postcolonial scholarship and postsructuralist theory in general. 
Likewise, in the afterword, Martin Stokes locates the collection within 
Turkish cultural studies as a newly emerging field of scholarship. 
However, cultural studies is not simply about the study of culture. 
Cultural studies, mostly inspired by poststructuralist criticism, 
emerged in response to the need to develop a more fluid understanding of 
culture that can only be studied from multiple perspectives beyond the 
confines of a particular discipline and with multiple methodologies. 
Hence cultural studies emerged in liminal spaces between different 
academic disciplines and has created controversy exactly because of its 
interdisciplinarity and call for the employment of flexible and multiple 
methodologies, where textual analysis often plays a central role. In 
this sense, none of the articles in the Fragments of Culture would 
actually qualify as "cultural studies," since none of them takes up an 
interdisciplinary perspective, employs multiple methodologies, or takes 
up a textual analysis of any sort (with the exception of Ayse Oncu's 
essay). Instead, they are firmly grounded in either sociological 
methodology (survey and interviews) or anthropology (participant 
observation and in-depth interviews). A textual analysis is not employed 
even where it is most appropriate, as in chapter 7, which looks at an 
instance from Turkish cinema (namely, "Türkan Soray's rise to stardom") 
where one would expect some analysis of Soray's films, or perhaps media 
discourse on stardom. Yet this essay does not go beyond a description of 
Soray's public image and a rather conventional survey of socio-economic 
background conditions that gave rise to this image.

I wholeheartedly agree with Deniz Kandiyoti that in order to study the 
social and cultural complexities of a country like Turkey one has to 
break free of variants of modernization theory and take up more critical 
approaches offered mostly by postcolonial studies and poststructuralist 
criticism. I would like to stress, however, that this undertaking also 
places the responsibility on scholars of Turkish studies to more 
rigorously engage social and cultural theory and criticism, and to more 
explicitly state the theoretical underpinnings and implications of their 
work. Postcolonial scholarship does offer new and more critical ways of 
studying social, political, and cultural complexities in Turkey, but 
Turkish studies can and should also contribute to postcolonial 
literature, postructuralist criticism, and social and cultural theory in 
general. Had this collection addressed these theoretical questions and 
debates more rigorously, Fragments of Culture would have been a much 
more powerful book that could be useful in teaching and research, not 
only in Turkish studies but also in postcolonial scholarship and 
cultural studies in general.

Apart from the loosely drawn framework in the introduction, there are no 
guiding questions or specific thematic foci. Kandiyoti thoughtfully 
justifies the authors' reasons for engaging in a close study of cultural 
fragments, but more specific concerns, questions, or approaches common 
to the fourteen articles are not articulated. Some of the authors use 
consumption, class, and gender as important analytical categories in 
their analysis, while others, such as Serif Mardin or Arzu Ozturkmen, do 
not; instead they address questions regarding nationalism and 
nation-building. Moreover, the authors who use class as an analytical 
category have very different and rather incompatible understandings of 
the concept. For example, while Jenny White tends to use class as a 
socio-economic category, Yael Navaro-Yashin uses it in a Bourdieuian 
sense to refer to cultural distinction and the construction of cultural 
difference. Furthermore, chapter 5 by Mardin and chapter 14 by Lale 
Yalcin-Heckmann do not really belong in this collection, since the 
former is not about a fragment of culture, and the latter is not about 
Turkey.

Sencer Ayata examines the retreat of the "suburban middle classes" to 
"site" type residences (similar to condominiums), that became the norm 
in suburban Ankara in the 1990s, based on survey research and interviews 
conducted with "site" residents. Gul Ozyegin also utilizes survey 
techniques to study "doorkeeper" (janitor) families, who live and work 
in "middle-class" neighborhoods of Ankara, and their interactions with 
employing residents. Both of these chapters shed light on the specifics 
of class relations and the production of class hierarchies in Turkey. 
However, the use of the concept of "middle-class" by both authors is 
rather problematic since it is not defined or theorized; thus "class" 
appears not as an analytical category but only as a term vaguely 
descriptive of socio-economic status. As illustrated by both 
Navaro-Yashin's work in this collection and Ayse Oncu's elsewhere, class 
is a category exceptionally mediated by culture in Turkey, where 
socio-economic status plays only a secondary or indirect role, and such 
unaccounted uses of the term "class" and class hierarchies conceal more 
interesting and culturally specific dynamics.[1]

Durakbasa and Cindoglu provide their observation of shopping malls as a 
newly developing site of consumption since the 1980s in relation to the 
reproduction of class, gender, and age hierarchies. Feride Acar and Ayse 
Ayata compare three high schools: an Imam Hatip Lycee as a religious 
vocational school, a private and prestigious school, and a public 
school. They observe that while the first two provide their pupils with 
a strong sense of identity and vision for the future, grounded in 
religion and a secular modern life-style respectively, the public 
school, suffering from an insufficiency of funds, lacks such vision and 
identity. The authors successfully illustrate the ways in which gender 
and sexuality play a central role in the socialization of students into 
adult roles, which is particularly interesting in the Imam Hatip Lycee, 
where controlling male sexuality plays a central role in the 
organization of relations and the construction of a sense of belonging.

Serif Mardin examines the development of vernacular Turkish in the 
nineteenth century before the establishment of the new nation-state and 
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's famous 1932 language reform that 
institutionalized Turkish as the national language. Hence Mardin makes a 
case against Benedict Anderson, who asserts that national languages were 
standardized by nationalist elites, and instead suggests that language 
may indeed have primordial aspects serving nationalistic uses. Mardin's 
insightful and thought-provoking essay does not really belong to this 
collection, since it neither looks at a fragment of culture nor makes 
use of class, gender, or consumerism as an analytical category that is 
common to most of the other essays.

Tracing the development of folk dancing, Ozturkmen argues that the 
organization of teams and naming of dances, based on location or region 
rather than ethnicity, contributed to nation-building practices. Ayse 
Oncu, on the other hand, examines the development of the maganda type in 
popular satirical magazines as an illustration of the way in which 
"commercialization of sexuality as a form of spectacle has pervaded 
everyday lives of different groups" (p. 187). Oncu's insightful essay 
makes the unconventional observation that male sexuality, as represented 
in the grotesque figure of the maganda, emerges as an important medium 
for the formulation of new gender identities, urban subjectivities, and 
class relations.

Chapters 9, 10, and 11, by Jenny White, Yael Navaro-Yashin, and Ayse 
Saktanber, respectively, look at different "fragments" of Islamicism. 
Both White and Navaro-Yashin offer ethnographic studies of different 
Islamist groups in relation to the significance and function of the 
Islamic headcovering and "politics of identity," but arrive at very 
different conclusions. White studies a rally organized by Turkey's main 
Islamist political party during the mid-1990s, the Refah/Fazilet Party, 
and concludes that "identity politics" cannot adequately account for 
Islamist mobilization as symbolized by the Islamic headcovering, where 
socioeconomic class still seems to be an important organizing principle. 
Navaro-Yashin looks at the development of the Islamic fashion industry, 
led by one of the main business companies in the field, Tekbir, which 
claims to be "the trademark of Islam." However, Tekbir is highly 
criticized, especially by Islamist intellectuals, for monopolizing Islam 
and diluting the "struggle." While Navaro-Yashin concludes that the 
battle between Islamists and secularists is waged through the medium of 
consumption, her own account points to a different battle, one waged 
within Islamist circles themselves. Yet it is not elaborated on or even 
acknowledged as a form of struggle by the author. For both of these 
authors, even though "identity politics" is frequently used in their 
discussion, neither defines nor theorizes the phrase. Indeed, what is 
actually political about the headcovering, how it is or is not related 
to identity, what exactly is the nature of the battle between Islamists 
and secularists, and what is at stake in this battle are not accounted 
for by either author.

Deniz Kandiyoti's ethnographic study of the male-to-female transsexuals 
in Istanbul is a wonderfully written essay that brings forth several 
thought-provoking questions about the dissolution of boundaries and 
norms on gender, sexuality, national belonging, citizenship, and 
consequent state interventions to regulate gender and sexuality. 
Unfortunately, Kandiyoti does not elaborate on the boundaries that are 
threatened by the very existence of transsexuals, thereby tempting the 
state to intervene, sometimes brutally, to regulate their lives and 
suppress their visibility. The issue of globalization, only briefly 
touched upon by Kandiyoti, also deserves more elaboration, since her 
account illustrates the complicated ways in which globalized images, 
networks, and relations offer different means and opportunities for 
empowering the otherwise marginalized community of transsexuals against 
the authority and interventions of the overbearing state.

Finally, the last two chapters, by Ayse Simsek Caglar and Lale 
Yalcin-Heckmann, both look at Turkish immigrants in Germany. Caglar 
examines differential expectations and upward mobility aspirations of 
Turkish families in Germany and Turkey by comparing different 
living-room use and decoration styles of the same families in the two 
countries. Yalcin-Heckmann examines Turkish immigrant youth culture in 
Germany and discusses the dilemma of bearing hyphenated identities, such 
as the German-Turk, which, on the one hand, tends to reify 
ethnic-national identity categories but, on the other hand, "empowers 
them as belonging to two cultures, encompassing both, not torn between 
them" (p. 315). Well illustrated and thoughtfully written as it is, 
Yalcin-Heckmann's chapter is another essay that does not belong to this 
collection, for it is not about Turkey nor about Turkish studies, but 
about Germany.

Note

[1]. Ayse Oncu, "Istanbulites and Others: The Cultural Cosmology of 
Being Middle Class in the Era of Globalism," in Istanbul: Between the 
Global and the Local, ed. Caglar Keyder (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 
1999), pp. 95-119.



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      <td width="80%"><font size="+2"><b>Deniz Kandiyoti and Ayse
Saktanber, eds.</b> <i>Fragments of Culture: The Everyday of Modern
Turkey</i></font><i>. </i><font size="+1">New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press, 2002. ix + 350 pp.
Bibliography, index.
$60.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-8135-3081-4; $25.00 (paper), ISBN 0-8135-3082-2.
      </font>
      <p><font size="+1">Reviewed by <b>Alev Cinar</b>, Department of
Political Science, Bilkent University.<br>
Published by <a href="http://www.h-net.msu.edu/%7Egend-mid/">
H-Gender-MidEast</a> (August, 2003)
      </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"><br>
      </font></p>
      <center><font size="+1"><b>A Thick Description of Fragments of
Culture in Turkey</b></font></center>
      <p>
      <cite><font size="+1">Fragments of Culture</font></cite><font
 size="+1">
is a much-needed volume for students and scholars of Turkish studies,
bringing together articles that examine different aspects of everyday
life in Turkey, ranging from urban residential styles and gender and
class hierarchies in shopping and education to folk-dancing, Islamic
fashion shows, and a community of transsexuals in Istanbul. This
collection is only the second comprehensive work on society and culture
in Turkey available, after Sibel Bozdogan and Rezat Kasaba's edited <cite>Rethinking
Modernity and National Identity in Turkey</cite>
(1997), that responds to the needs of both researchers and teachers.
However, in contrast to Bozdogan and Kasaba's volume, which
successfully brings together scholars from different disciplines
discussing a single theme, namely Turkish modernity, <cite>Fragments
of Culture</cite> lacks such interdisciplinarity and thematic focus. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Providing a thoughtful and insightful
introduction, Deniz Kandiyoti
frames the collection as an investigation into "the mutual
'culturisation' of politics and 'politicisation' of culture [that] can
only be interpreted through a serious engagement with emerging arenas
of subcultural expression and cultural production" (p. 5). Indeed, each
of the individual essays focuses on a particular cultural "fragment"
and most of them provide a thick description of the production of
culture, and related class and gender hierarchies. Since none of the
authors actually provides a clear definition of how they understand
politics or engages in an analytical discussion as to how culture is
politicized, the collection does not live up to the larger frame
promised by Kandiyoti. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> In her
introduction, Kandiyoti also situates the collection within
postcolonial and poststructuralist criticism, thereby appealing to an
interdisciplinary audience interested in critical approaches to culture
and politics. The fact that the cultural context under investigation is
Turkey makes this promise all the more appealing, since, as Kandiyoti
notes herself, critical studies of culture and politics have suffered
from confining their scope to the "post-industrial West" (p. 17). In
sum, the reader is left to expect not only an illumination of the
cultural landscape of Turkey, but a more substantial contribution to
postcolonial scholarship and postsructuralist theory in general.
Likewise, in the afterword, Martin Stokes locates the collection within
Turkish cultural studies as a newly emerging field of scholarship.
However, cultural studies is not simply about the study of culture.
Cultural studies, mostly inspired by poststructuralist criticism,
emerged in response to the need to develop a more fluid understanding
of culture that can only be studied from multiple perspectives beyond
the confines of a particular discipline and with multiple
methodologies. Hence cultural studies emerged in liminal spaces between
different academic disciplines and has created controversy exactly
because of its interdisciplinarity and call for the employment of
flexible and multiple methodologies, where textual analysis often plays
a central role. In this sense, <cite>none</cite> of the articles in
the <cite>Fragments of Culture</cite>
would actually qualify as "cultural studies," since none of them takes
up an interdisciplinary perspective, employs multiple methodologies, or
takes up a textual analysis of any sort (with the exception of Ayse
Oncu's essay). Instead, they are firmly grounded in either sociological
methodology (survey and interviews) or anthropology (participant
observation and in-depth interviews). A textual analysis is not
employed even where it is most appropriate, as in chapter 7, which
looks at an instance from Turkish cinema (namely, "T&uuml;rkan Soray's rise
to stardom") where one would expect some analysis of Soray's films, or
perhaps media discourse on stardom. Yet this essay does not go beyond a
description of Soray's public image and a rather conventional survey of
socio-economic background conditions that gave rise to this image. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">I wholeheartedly agree with Deniz Kandiyoti
that in order to study the
social and cultural complexities of a country like Turkey one has to
break free of variants of modernization theory and take up more
critical approaches offered mostly by postcolonial studies and
poststructuralist criticism. I would like to stress, however, that this
undertaking also places the responsibility on scholars of Turkish
studies to more rigorously engage social and cultural theory and
criticism, and to more explicitly state the theoretical underpinnings
and implications of their work. Postcolonial scholarship does offer new
and more critical ways of studying social, political, and cultural
complexities in Turkey, but Turkish studies can and should also
contribute to postcolonial literature, postructuralist criticism, and
social and cultural theory in general. Had this collection addressed
these theoretical questions and debates more rigorously, <cite>Fragments
of Culture</cite>
would have been a much more powerful book that could be useful in
teaching and research, not only in Turkish studies but also in
postcolonial scholarship and cultural studies in general. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Apart from the loosely drawn framework in the
introduction, there are
no guiding questions or specific thematic foci. Kandiyoti thoughtfully
justifies the authors' reasons for engaging in a close study of
cultural fragments, but more specific concerns, questions, or
approaches common to the fourteen articles are not articulated. Some of
the authors use consumption, class, and gender as important analytical
categories in their analysis, while others, such as Serif Mardin or
Arzu Ozturkmen, do not; instead they address questions regarding
nationalism and nation-building. Moreover, the authors who use class as
an analytical category have very different and rather incompatible
understandings of the concept. For example, while Jenny White tends to
use class as a socio-economic category, Yael Navaro-Yashin uses it in a
Bourdieuian sense to refer to cultural distinction and the construction
of cultural difference. Furthermore, chapter 5 by Mardin and chapter 14
by Lale Yalcin-Heckmann do not really belong in this collection, since
the former is not about a fragment of culture, and the latter is not
about Turkey. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> Sencer Ayata examines the
retreat of the "suburban middle classes" to "site" type residences
(similar to condominiums), that became the norm in suburban Ankara in
the 1990s, based on survey research and interviews conducted with
"site" residents. Gul Ozyegin also utilizes survey techniques to study
"doorkeeper" (janitor) families, who live and work in "middle-class"
neighborhoods of Ankara, and their interactions with employing
residents. Both of these chapters shed light on the specifics of class
relations and the production of class hierarchies in Turkey. However,
the use of the concept of "middle-class" by both authors is rather
problematic since it is not defined or theorized; thus "class" appears
not as an analytical category but only as a term vaguely descriptive of
socio-economic status. As illustrated by both Navaro-Yashin's work in
this collection and Ayse Oncu's elsewhere, class is a category
exceptionally mediated by culture in Turkey, where socio-economic
status plays only a secondary or indirect role, and such unaccounted
uses of the term "class" and class hierarchies conceal more interesting
and culturally specific dynamics.[1] </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Durakbasa and Cindoglu provide their
observation of shopping malls as a
newly developing site of consumption since the 1980s in relation to the
reproduction of class, gender, and age hierarchies. Feride Acar and
Ayse Ayata compare three high schools: an Imam Hatip Lycee as a
religious vocational school, a private and prestigious school, and a
public school. They observe that while the first two provide their
pupils with a strong sense of identity and vision for the future,
grounded in religion and a secular modern life-style respectively, the
public school, suffering from an insufficiency of funds, lacks such
vision and identity. The authors successfully illustrate the ways in
which gender and sexuality play a central role in the socialization of
students into adult roles, which is particularly interesting in the
Imam Hatip Lycee, where controlling male sexuality plays a central role
in the organization of relations and the construction of a sense of
belonging. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> Serif Mardin examines the development of
vernacular Turkish in the nineteenth century <cite>before</cite>
the establishment of the new nation-state and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's
famous 1932 language reform that institutionalized Turkish as the
national language. Hence Mardin makes a case against Benedict Anderson,
who asserts that national languages were standardized by nationalist
elites, and instead suggests that language may indeed have primordial
aspects serving nationalistic uses. Mardin's insightful and
thought-provoking essay does not really belong to this collection,
since it neither looks at a fragment of culture nor makes use of class,
gender, or consumerism as an analytical category that is common to most
of the other essays. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> Tracing the
development of folk dancing, Ozturkmen argues that the organization of
teams and naming of dances, based on location or region rather than
ethnicity, contributed to nation-building practices. Ayse Oncu, on the
other hand, examines the development of the <cite>maganda</cite> type
in popular satirical magazines as an illustration of the way in which
"commercialization of sexuality as a form of spectacle has pervaded
everyday lives of different groups" (p. 187). Oncu's insightful essay
makes the unconventional observation that male sexuality, as
represented in the grotesque figure of the <cite>maganda</cite>,
emerges as an important medium for the formulation of new gender
identities, urban subjectivities, and class relations. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Chapters 9, 10, and 11, by Jenny White, Yael
Navaro-Yashin, and Ayse
Saktanber, respectively, look at different "fragments" of Islamicism.
Both White and Navaro-Yashin offer ethnographic studies of different
Islamist groups in relation to the significance and function of the
Islamic headcovering and "politics of identity," but arrive at very
different conclusions. White studies a rally organized by Turkey's main
Islamist political party during the mid-1990s, the Refah/Fazilet Party,
and concludes that "identity politics" cannot adequately account for
Islamist mobilization as symbolized by the Islamic headcovering, where
socioeconomic class still seems to be an important organizing
principle. Navaro-Yashin looks at the development of the Islamic
fashion industry, led by one of the main business companies in the
field, Tekbir, which claims to be "the trademark of Islam." However,
Tekbir is highly criticized, especially by Islamist intellectuals, for
monopolizing Islam and diluting the "struggle." While Navaro-Yashin
concludes that the battle between Islamists and secularists is waged
through the medium of consumption, her own account points to a
different battle, one waged within Islamist circles themselves. Yet it
is not elaborated on or even acknowledged as a form of struggle by the
author. For both of these authors, even though "identity politics" is
frequently used in their discussion, neither defines nor theorizes the
phrase. Indeed, what is actually political about the headcovering, how
it is or is not related to identity, what exactly is the nature of the
battle between Islamists and secularists, and what is at stake in this
battle are not accounted for by either author. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Deniz Kandiyoti's ethnographic study of the
male-to-female transsexuals
in Istanbul is a wonderfully written essay that brings forth several
thought-provoking questions about the dissolution of boundaries and
norms on gender, sexuality, national belonging, citizenship, and
consequent state interventions to regulate gender and sexuality.
Unfortunately, Kandiyoti does not elaborate on the boundaries that are
threatened by the very existence of transsexuals, thereby tempting the
state to intervene, sometimes brutally, to regulate their lives and
suppress their visibility. The issue of globalization, only briefly
touched upon by Kandiyoti, also deserves more elaboration, since her
account illustrates the complicated ways in which globalized images,
networks, and relations offer different means and opportunities for
empowering the otherwise marginalized community of transsexuals against
the authority and interventions of the overbearing state. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1">Finally, the last two chapters, by Ayse Simsek
Caglar and Lale
Yalcin-Heckmann, both look at Turkish immigrants in Germany. Caglar
examines differential expectations and upward mobility aspirations of
Turkish families in Germany and Turkey by comparing different
living-room use and decoration styles of the same families in the two
countries. Yalcin-Heckmann examines Turkish immigrant youth culture in
Germany and discusses the dilemma of bearing hyphenated identities,
such as the German-Turk, which, on the one hand, tends to reify
ethnic-national identity categories but, on the other hand, "empowers
them as belonging to two cultures, encompassing both, not torn between
them" (p. 315). Well illustrated and thoughtfully written as it is,
Yalcin-Heckmann's chapter is another essay that does not belong to this
collection, for it is not about Turkey nor about Turkish studies, but
about Germany. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> Note </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> [1]. Ayse Oncu, "Istanbulites and Others: The
Cultural Cosmology of Being Middle Class in the Era of Globalism," in <cite>Istanbul:
Between the Global and the Local</cite>, ed. Caglar Keyder (New York:
Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 1999), pp. 95-119. </font></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> </font></p>
      <p></p>
      <p><font size="+1"> </font></p>
      <p></p>
      <p><br>
      </p>
      </td>
    </tr>
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