[Discussion] Yurt disinda ve siberuzayda yayinlar
Sule Tarakcioglu
suletar@bilkent.edu.tr
Mon, 27 Dec 2004 17:35:02 -0800
I. Ali Duran G=FCl=E7i=E7ek, ALEVILIK (BEKTASILIK, KIZILBASLIK) VE ONLARA
YAKIN INAN=C7LAR. K=F6ln: Ethnographia Anatolica, 2004.
Gectigimiz Eylul ayinda yayimlanan ve Alevilerin kronolojik tarihini,
inan=E7 yapisini, yasam felsefesini, edebiyatini ve g=FCn=FCm=FCzdeki kon=
umunu
kapsayan bu eser =FC=E7 ciltten olusmaktadir. Anadolu Etnografyasi Arasti=
rma
ve K=FClt=FCr Merkezi Yayinlari tarafindan bastirilan eserin =F6zellikler=
i
s=F6yledir: 3 ciltlik, 1420 sayfa, 90 renkli resim, format 16x22. Kapak:
Cild bezi bordo =FCzeri altin yaldiz baskili, ipek dikis,, s=F6miz kapli,=
3
cildi bir arada kutulu 30.- =80 ISBN: 3-935832-04-4 Ilk Baski: Eyl=FCl 2=
004
Yazisma adresi:
Ethnographia Anatolica - Postfach 90 03 40 . D - 51113 K=F6ln
Tel. + Fax: 02203 / 20 39 28 - 30
E-mail: anatolica@web.de
aliduran.g@web.de
ek bilgi:
http://www.aleviyol.com/onemlibirkitap.htm
II. Ayse Gul Altinay, The Myth of the Military-Nation : Militarism,
Gender, and Education in Turkey (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2004).
Publisher's Description:
When a Turkish minister of culture declares that "the Turkish military
is synonymous with Turkish national identity," the embedded assumptions
cry out for investigation. Altinay examines how the myth that the
military is central to Turkey's national identity was created,
perpetuated, and acts to shape politics. This historical and
anthropological investigation probes the genesis of the myth that
the Turkish nation is a military nation, traces how the ideology of
militarism has been actualized through education and conscription,
and reveals the implications for ethnic and gender relations. Altinay
sheds light both on the process of how national identities are
constructed and on the deep roots of the challenges facing Turkey as it
potentially moves from being a plural to a pluralistic society.
Editorial Reviews
"The Myth of the Military Nation is exemplary of the politically
engaged scholarship that has acquired momentum with a new generation of
Turkish scholars committed to exposing national myths to overcome past
and present injustices in Turkish society. Altinay ably combines
ethnography with rich and historically informed scholarship to
demonstrate the historical production of the idea of a "military-nation
as a foundational myth of Turkish nationalism, and offers a critique of
the institutional and ideological sources of its hegemony that is all
the more effective for its heart-felt but subdued tone. What she has to
say goes beyond Turkey in its significance at a moment of pervasive
militarization of politics in the United States, and globally." --Arif
Dirlik, University of Oregon
"Listening to the startling words and disturbing silences of individual
men and women, Ayse Gul Altinay gives us a stunning insight into the
intimate and enduring bond between education and military service
in Turkey. The Myth of the Military-Nation is a precious gift to those
many of us who want to understand the cultural processes through which
manhood and national belonging come to be inseparable from soldiering -
and the courage and cost involved in reaching for an unmilitarized
way of being." --Cynthia Cockburn, City University London, author of
The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in
Conflict, and The Line: Women, Partition and the Gender Order in Cyprus
"With all the news about Turkish politics due to the Cyprus, Iraq and
EU debates, now is exactly the time for all of us to read this smart
feminist investigation of the Turkish political interplay between
masculinity, men, statist nationalism and soldiering. Altinay is
one of the most insightful political anthropologists I know. "
--Cynthia Enloe, author of Maneuvers: The International Politics of
Militarizing Women's Lives.
"The well documented research, clear conceptualization and illuminating
analysis that characterizes The Myth of the Military Nation gives
urgently needed voice to 'the contradictions and the silences' that
uphold male-dominated, militarized nation states. Gul Altinay has
dared to demonstrate a crucial truth that applies not only to Turkey
but to virtually all states, as well as, to human groups aspiring to
statehood; the conflation of national identity and military capacity
is the greatest of the many obstacles to human security. This is
a work which contributes essential substance to modern history,
peace and security studies, gender studies and to the theory and
practice of education. It should be read by every educator concerned
by the disservice to critical learning done by the militarization of
education." --Betty A. Reardon, Peace Education Center, Teachers Colleg=
e
III. Heghnar Zeitlian Watenpaugh, The Image of an Ottoman City: Imperial
Architecture and Urban Practice in Aleppo in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2004)
Publisher's description:
This urban and architectural study of Aleppo, a center of
early modern global trade, draws upon archival and narrative texts,
architectural evidence, and contemporary theoretical discussions of
the relation between imperial ideology, urban patterns and rituals,
and architectural form. The first two centuries of Ottoman rule
fostered tremendous urban development and reorientation through
judiciously sited acts of patronage. Monumental structures endowed
by Ottoman officials both introduced a new imperial architecture
from Istanbul and incorporated formal elements from the local urban
visual language. By viewing the urban and social contexts of these
acts, tracing their evolution over two centuries, and examining
their discussion in Ottoman and Arabic sources, this book proposes
a new model for understanding the local reception and adaptation of
imperial forms, institutions and norms.
more information: kwatenpa@hotmail.com, or heghnar@mit.edu
http://www.brill.nl/m_catalogue_sub6_id10325.htm%20
IV. Title (in transcribed form):
P=FCrvoto osmansko p=FCteshestvie v sveta na pechatnata kniga (1726-1746)=
.
Nov pogled.
Title in English:
FIRST OTTOMAN JOURNEY IN THE WORLD OF PRINTED BOOKS
(1726-1746). A Reassessment.
Author: ORLIN SABEV
Publishing House: Avangard Prima
Year of Publishing: 2004
Place of Publishing: Sofia, Bulgaria
Original Language of the Book: Bulgarian
Summaries: in English and Turkish
Number of Pages: 406 pp. (including appendices)
Reviews:
Kemal Beydilli, "Osmanli'da matbaa ve matbuat",
Toplumsal Tarih, Agustos, 2004, No. 128, 44-52.
Erhan Afyoncu, "Ibrahim M=FCteferrika'nin yeni
yayinlanan terekesi ve =F6l=FCm tarihi =FCzerine",
T=FCrkl=FCk Arastirmalari Dergisi, No. 15, Bahar 2004, 349-362.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PROLOGUE - 13
I. THE MIRROR OF HISTORY - 29
1 - Historical Context: the Ottoman Empire in the
First Half of the 18th Century - 30
2 - Historiography on the First Ottoman Printing Press - 46
3 - Sources of the Study - 65
II. THE FIRST OTTOMAN PRINTER: CURRICULUM VITAE - 74
1 - Biography and Career - 75
2 - Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's Personality - 93
3 - Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's Personal Book Collection - 101
4 - Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's Life-style - 117
5 - Portrait and Self-Portrait - 120
III. THE FIRST OTTOMAN PRINTING PRESS: VAUDEVILLE OF THE BEGINNING - 124
1 - Establishing the Press - 125
2 - Antagonists and Protagonists - 136
3 - Inside the Printing House - 143
4 - Legal Status of the Press - 156
IV. THE FIRST OTTOMAN PRINTING PRESS'S EDITIONS - 164
V. IBRAHIM M=DCTEFERRIKA'S PUBLISHING POLICY - 209
1 - The Tree of Knowledge: the Traditional Ottoman
Concept of Knowledge - 209
2 - Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's Publishing Concept - 218
VI. READERS AND COMMERCIAL SUCCESS OF THE PRESS - 242
1 - Ottoman Readers' Groups in the First Half of
the 18th Century - 242
2 - Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's Editions and the Readers - 250
3 - The First Ottoman Printing Press: Commercial Success
or Fiasco? - 267
VII. OTTOMAN PRINT CULTURE - 286
1 - The Scribal Stereotype and Print Culture - 287
2 - Ottoman Printing and Print Culture after
Ibrahim M=FCteferrika - 295
3 - Ottoman Print Culture: Two Centuries Earlier,
Two Centuries Later - 315
EPILOGUE - 326
APPENDICES - 330
BIBLIOGRAPHY - 366
SUMMARY IN ENGLISH - 394
SUMMARY IN TURKISH - 400
Summary
The first Ottoman printing press, founded in 1726-27 by Ibrahim
M=FCteferrika, who was originally a Hungarian Protestant but became
subsequently an Ottoman subject and convert to Islam, is an important
stage in Ottoman cultural history. It reasonably deserved a close
interest and the studies related to it are more than a hundred in
number. Most of them belong to Turkish historians who are more or less
concerned about the following two points:
- Why was the printing technology introduced to the Ottomans almost
three centuries later than to the rest of Europe?
- Why was not the first Ottoman printing press successful enough?
As for the first point there are many theories which could be
summarized in the following three main attitudes:
- the opposition of the presumably conservative Muslim theological class
(ulema) to any non-Muslim innovations, the printing press included;
- the economic milieu and the guild of copyists (hattat) who considered
the press a threat to their source of livelihood;
- the lack of interest in and need for printed books because of the
limited number of readers among the Ottomans, their needs for reading
matter being entirely covered by manuscripts.
As for the second point there are only narratives providing grounds for
the assertion that the first Ottoman printing enterprise was not
successful. That is, a lot of the printed copies remained unsold.
The present study, however, is an attempt to correct this opinion on the
basis of more reliable Ottoman archival documentation such as the
probate inventories of deceased Ottoman Muslims. Indeed, these valuable
sources have been made of use in studying various aspects of Ottoman
daily life, and even the place and role of manuscripts in the private
affairs, in particular. The probate inventories, however, could reveal
the process of penetration of printed books in the daily life of the
Ottoman readers and in this way to shed light on the social aspects of
the reception of the first Ottoman printing press by various social and
professional groups.
To this end, we have explored a rather limited part of the huge
collections of probate inventories (tereke or muhallefat defterleri)
preserved in the Archive of the Mufti of Istanbul, and namely those of
them dating from the period from 1137-1138/1724-1726, when the first
Ottoman printing press was established, to 1160-1161/1747-1748, when its
activity was ceased since the death of its founder. Some 335 probate
inventories, included in 56 voluminous registers of the Kismet-i
Askeriye Mahkemesi collection, are explored for the purpose of the
current study. These 335 probate inventories include titles of books
more than three in number, that is, the scope of the study is confined
to those Muslim book owners who were, first, members of the Ottoman
ruling class (askeri); second, inhabitants of the Ottoman capital
Istanbul; and third, presumably more steady readers.
However, the most important source of the current study is the probate
inventory of Ibrahim M=FCteferrika himself. We found out it in the same
collection Kismet-i Askeriye Mahkemesi (register 98, folios 39a-40b).
Transcription of the document into modern Turkish is appended to the
monograph. This source is the best one to shed light on many hitherto
unknown aspects of the personality and printing activity of M=FCteferrika=
,
and namely:
- When did he die?
- Who were the members of his family?
- What kind of books did he possess?
- What were the material conditions of his life?
- What was his wealth prior to his death?
- What was the exact location of his house and printing press in Istanbul=
?
- How many workers did he employ at his printing house?
- How many unsold copies of printed books did he leave upon his demise?
In fact, the latter figures could provide some insight into the point of
whether the first Ottoman printing press was successful or not.
Because of the limited space, here we shall dwell only on the new
information, derived from Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's probate inventory,
refraining from any further speculations on the topic.
The inventory in question presents Ibrahim M=FCteferrika in the mode in
which he was obviously famous among his contemporaries, and namely "the
printer the late Ibrahim Efendi, son of `Abdurrahman" (basmaci merh=FBm
Ibr=E2h=EEm Efendi ibn-i 'Abdurrahm=E2n). The document is dated 10 Rebi=FC=
'l-
evvel 1160/1 April 1747. The inventory is followed by an entry of 10
Safer 1160/21 February 1747, which is a judicial document (h=FCccet),
concerning Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's inheritance, too. These dates confirm
the attitude that he died not in 1745, but more than likely in the
latter part of 1746 or no later than February, 1747.
According to the inventory the printer had a wife called Hadice ibnet-i
Abdullah. Her patronymic name implies that she was probably a convert,
too. Upon demise M=FCteferrika left also an own daughter under-age
(sulbiye-i sag=EEre), whose name was Ayse. Accordingly, in the early 1747
she must have been no older than twelve of age. In regard to
M=FCteferrika's year of birth, coinciding with the early 1670s, one could
suggest that he became father while rather advanced in years (around
sixty-five years old, at least). These were the heirs of the first
Ottoman printer. So, in reality he hadn't any sons, as some authors
claim, at least none alive upon his demise.
In the inventory Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's personal collection of books is
divided in two lists, the first one including those in Arabic letters,
and the second one including those in Latin letters (K=FCt=FCb-i L=E2t=EE=
n).
Prior to his death he possessed some hundred titles of books in Arabic,
Persian, and Turkish. Among them worth noting are titles of popular
works in history, geography, astronomy, as well as treatises dealing
with the political ethics and social order. In fact, such a literature
reflects M=FCteferrika's interests not only as reader, but as Ottoman
diplomatic negotiator, publisher, and author, as well. It is true also
for his Latin books (36 titles, in total), most of which are related
to geography (mainly atlases).
Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's probate inventory provides us with the opportunit=
y
to locate more precisely the exact location of his home and printing
house. According to the inventory he inhabited the quarter Mism=E2r=EE S=FC=
c=E2
next to the mosque of Sultan Selim I in Istanbul. Today one could see
the modest mosque of Mismarci S=FCcaeddin, still in function, as well as
the narrow street in front of its fa=E7ade, called Mismarci Sokak in near
vicinity and to the north-west of the huge mosque of Sultan Selim I.
Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's most expensive goods were the printed books,
followed by his house, and the three concubines. It is worth noting that
the total price of the latter was almost equal to the total price of his
personal collection of books. As for the furniture and clothing there
was nothing luxurious at M=FCteferrika's house, except for some expensive
fur coats. Thus, obviously the material status of the first Ottoman
printer reflected his main priorities: the printing enterprise, the
intellectual activities (the books), and the diplomatic career (the
representative clothing like fur coats). In general, however, he did not
tend to luxurious life-style, partly due to his Protestant past, likely.
According to Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's probate inventory his unsold printed
books were preserved in a "room build of stone" (k=E2rg=EEr oda) at a pla=
ce
called T=F4ph=E2ne near by the mosque of Sultan Selim I. It is difficult =
to
identify this place in today's Istanbul map. The closest street called
Tophane is the next eastwards to the complex of Fatih, but it has little
to do with the place-name mentioned in the inventory.
Among the persons whom Muuteferrika was indebted prior to his death are
mentioned the names of his dependents (tev=E2bi'), who were in all
probability employees at his printing house. The printer owed monthly
wages to Mehmed =C7elebi, Mehmed son of 'Ali, Ahmed son of 'Osman, and
Ahmed son of Mehmed. A salary (probably monthly) was paid to Hafiz
Abd=FClkerim Efendi, too. M=FCteferrika was also indebted to a certain Je=
w
(Yah=FBd=EE), who was a type founder (hur=FBf=E2t=E7i). The latter could =
be the
famous Jewish printer Jona, who assisted M=FCteferrika in his printing
activities. The fact that only monthly salaries were pointed out in the
inventory implies that the printing house was likely active prior to the
very death of its founder.
T
he most important information one could derive from Ibrahim
M=FCteferrika's probate inventory is the number and the prices of the
unsold copies of the books printed by him. Since the total print of
thirteen out of his sixteen editions is known, one could calculate how
many copies of them had been really sold. On the other hand, the prices,
as mentioned in the inventory, could be compared to the issue prices of
M=FCteferrika's editions, providing notion about the price developments o=
f
the first Ottoman printed books.
The first work, the celebrated Arabic-Turkish dictionary of Vankulu, in
two volumes, was printed by M=FCteferrika in 1729 in a 500-copy edition
(it is usually believed that the edition was 1000 copies, but it is not
correct). In M=FCteferrika's probate inventory only one copy of that
dictionary appears, which means that the whole edition had been sold.
The price mentioned in the inventory is the same one as the initial
price of a bound copy, that is, 40 piasters. This dictionary could be
considered M=FCteferrika's bestseller.
His second edition Tuhfet=FC'l-kib=E2r f=EE Esf=E2ri'l-Bih=E2r of K=E2tib=
=C7elebi
(1729) was of 1000 copies at the price of three piasters. The same was
the price per copy of the third edition T=E2r=EEh-i Seyy=E2h der Bey=E2n-=
i
Zuh=FBr-i Agv=E2niy=E2n ve Sebeb-i Indih=E2m-i Bin=E2-i Devlet-i S=E2h=E2=
n-i Safeviy=E2n
(1729) of Judasz Tadeusz Krusinski, but its total print run was 1,200
copies.
The next three books, T=E2r=EEh=FC'l-Hindi'l-Garb=EE el-M=FCsemm=E2 bi-Ha=
d=EEs-i Nev,
T=E2r=EEh-i T=EEm=FBr-i Gurk=E2n of Nazm=EEz=E2de Efendi, and T=E2r=EEh=FC=
'l-Misri'l-Cedid;
T=E2r=EEh=FC'l-Misri'l-Kad=EEm of S=FCheyl=EE Efendi (1730), appeared in =
500-copy
editions at the issue price of three piasters per copy.
The latter five editions are mentioned in the probate inventory all
together probably because of their similar size in quarto. All the
unsold copies of these five publications numbered 1,114 at the price of
half a piaster. Accordingly, less than one-third out of the estimated
whole edition of these five books, that is, 3 700 copies, remained
unsold. Thus their commercial success was relatively good.
The seventh publication G=FClsen-i Hulef=E2 of Nazm=EEz=E2de Efendi (1730=
) also
appeared in 500-copy edition at the price of three piasters. Upon
M=FCteferrika's demise 235 of them were left unsold, and their reduced
price per copy was two piasters. So the trade in that book was inconclusi=
ve.
The next M=FCteferrika's edition Grammaire turque ou M=E9thode courte &
facile pour apprendre la langue turque by Holderman (1730) was in 1000
copies at the same issue price of three piasters. The number of the
unsold copies, appearing in the probate inventory, is all in all 84 at
the cut price of quarter of a piaster. That is, the Turkish grammar for
Frenchmen was M=FCteferrika's second bestseller, following Vankulu's
dictionary.
M=FCteferrika's own treatise Us=FBl=FC'l-Hikem f=EE Niz=E2mi'l-=DCmem (17=
32) was the
ninth edition of his printing press, while the tenth one was F=FCy=FBz=E2=
t-i
Mikn=E2tisiyye (1732), a work on magnetism, translated by him. The total
print of each of them was 500 copies at the issue price of one piaster.
The probate inventory lists the latter two publications along with the
fifteenth edition of the same press Ahv=E2l-i Gazav=E2t der Diy=E2r-i Bos=
na of
=D6mer Bosnavi (1741). The probable reason for such a grouping might be
the similar size of these editions which is in quarto but smaller than
the above-mentioned group of five earlier editions. According to the
probate inventory, of these three publications 240 copies in total
remained unsold, their reduced price per copy being quarter of a
piaster. The total print of the third book is unknown, but on the
assumption that it was also published in 500 copies, one might conclude
that out of 1,500 copies an estimated 1,260 copies seem to have been
sold which is a rather impressive commercial success.
The next edition Kit=E2b-i Cih=E2n=FCm=E2 of K=E2tib =C7elebi (1732) also=
appeared
in total print of 500 copies at the issue price of 30 or 40-44 piasters.
M=FCteferrika's probate inventory lists 249 unsold copies at the cut
price of 16 piasters. That is, only half the edition was sold until the
early 1747.
Takv=EEm=FC't-Tev=E2r=EEh of K=E2tib =C7elebi (1733), the thirteenth book=
to
be printed at the first Ottoman printing press, was put out in an
edition of 500 copies at the issue price of three or five piasters. 226
of them remained unsold, while the price was reduced to two piasters as
the probate inventory reveals.
The next publication, T=E2r=EEh of Na'ima (1734) in two volumes appeared =
in
an edition of 500 copies, obviously the standard total print run of
M=FCteferrika's books after Holderman's grammar book. The probate
inventory lists 112 unsold and unbound copies in total at the apparently
reduced price of 15 piasters. Thus almost four-fifth of the edition of
that voluminous book had been sold.
It is unknown what was the total print of the fourteenth M=FCteferrika
edition, T=E2r=EEh of Rasid Efendi in three volumes (1741), as well as it=
s
appendix (zeyl), the T=E2r=EEh of =C7elebiz=E2de Efendi (1741). The latte=
r title
does not appear in the probate inventory obviously because of its being
appended to Rasid Efendi's T=E2r=EEh. Both titles had a common issue pric=
e
of 30 piasters per unbound and 40 piasters per bound copy, respectively.
The probate inventory points out 306 (in the document itself the
figure is incorrectly entered as 311) unbound copies at the reduced
price of 16 piasters. On the assumption that the two titles were in
500-copy editions, one might conclude that approximately one-third of
them had been sold.
It is curious enough that the last sixteenth edition of the first
Ottoman printing house was also a dictionary as its first publication.
The two volumes of the Persian-Turkish dictionary Lis=E2n=FC'l-'Acem or
Ferheng-i Su'=FBr=EE (1742) are the first of M=FCteferrika's printed book=
s to
be listed in his probate inventory obviously because the number of their
unsold copies prevailed over the rest of the editions. 409 unbound
copies in total remained in possession of M=FCteferrika and upon his
demise at disposal of his daughter. On the assumption that the total
print of the dictionary had also been 500 copies, one could estimate
that only approximately one-fifth of them had been sold until the
beginning of 1747.
One would bear in mind, however, that the earlier editions had been
traded in a longer term than the later ones, and accordingly the number
of the unsold copies of the later publications prevailed over these of
earlier ones, at all.
A cursory glance at probate inventories of M=FCteferrika's contemporaries
could reveal in part the profile of the buyers and readers of the first
Ottoman printed books. It is impressive enough that the first editions
of the press appear in probate inventories almost immediately after the
date of their issue. Usually, the printed books listed in such
inventories were more expensive than the manuscripts, but even so they
had obviously deserved attention and bought by persons who felt need of
them. One would keep in mind, however, that such persons were in
principle officials of higher rank, members of the religious class
including, who were, on the one hand, interested in books and fond of
reading, and on the other hand, could afford such expensive books (for
example, the price of Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's horse, as stated in the
probate inventory, and the price of Vankulu's dictionary are comparable).
Hitherto existing historiography tended to overestimate the total
print of M=FCteferrika's editions to be between 12,000 and 13,200 copies.
In our opinion, the correct total edition must have been approximately
10,000 or 11,000 copies. With regard to the total number of the unsold
copies, as stated in the probate inventory, that is, 2,981, one might
conclude that around two-thirds to three-quarters of the total print
had been sold.
These figures imply that in a long run Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's
printing enterprise could be considered more successful than it was
hitherto believed. His success was not ultimate, of course, but in
any case the venture was not a fiasco, either.
In conclusion, the data derived from Ibrahim M=FCteferrika's probate
inventory leaves no grounds for any concern about the alleged failure of
his printing activity. Indeed, the Ottoman society was too long
hesitant, but after roams overcame its prejudices and found out the odd
magic of the world of printed books.
__________________________________
Dr. Orlin Sabev
Institute of Balkan Studies
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
45 Moskovska Street
Sofia 1000
Bulgaria
V. The Illusions of Transition: Which Perspectives for Central Asia and
the Caucasus?
Now Available Online:
http://www.cimera.org/publications/cp6/popup.html
The transition of the former Soviet republics of the Caucasus and
Central Asia took a tortuous road. The gulf is wide between the initial
hopes for change and the current state of reforms, the formation of
regional systems and the rivalries amongst regional states, the
expectations of international donors and local realities. Transition was
an imagined journey from totalitarian regimes and a planned economic
system to pluralism, democracy, and market economy. Yet the realities of
historic development are such that instead of a smooth guided journey
the countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia are taking difficult and
diverse paths with the points of destination still distant and debated.
This volume of Conference Proceedings is a joint project between the
Graduate Institute of International Studies (HEI) and CIMERA. In a
conference organized in Geneva in March 2004, nine researchers from
different professional backgrounds such as historians, development
workers, and researchers, have approached the subject of transition from
different angles. The papers published in this volume offer various
professionals specializing in contemporary history of the Caucasus and
Central Asia a rich material to reflect on issues ranging from history
and continuity in Central Asia to violence and illegal trade in the
South Caucasus.
Contents:
Introduction
M.-R.Djalili
Maps by: Philippe Rekacewicz
1. How can we use the concept of transition in Central Asian post-soviet
history? An attempt to set a New Approach
Catherine Poujol.
2. The reshaping of a borderland region
Vicken Cheterian.
3. Bouleversements et reconfiguration regionale en Asie Centrale
(1991-2004)
Thierry Kellner.
4. L'Etat et ses chantiers ideologiques en Asie Centrale
Frederique Guerin.
5. A source of regional tension in Central Asia: The case of water
Jeremy Allouche.
6. The political economy of transnational crime and its implications for
armed violence in Georgia
Achim Wennmann.
7. Transition systemique, pauperisation et fragmentation sociale:
principaux enjeux en termes de d=E9veloppement durable pour l'Azerbaidjan
et l'Armenie
Frederic Lapeyre.
8. Transition without the rule of law and human rights?
Gerard Staberock.
9. Desillusions des donateurs ? La cooperation internationale en Asie
Centrale
Luigi De Martino.
10. Synthese des debats
Julien Pellaux.
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