[Discussion] karagoz ve hacivat / bahktin

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                              [Access article in PDF] Karagöz and Hacivat: Projections of Subversion and Conformance James Smith Abstract
This article examines the related shadow puppet traditions of Turkey and Greece, karagöz and karagiozis respectively, relating them to Bakhtin's theories of carnivalistic performance.The authoranalyzes how these forms of shadow puppetry were used by various audience communities to negotiate and define cultural boundaries and senses of communal identity. 

In Islamic culture, representation is a difficult and complex issue. Most representation is thought of as a form of idolatry, which the Koran explicitly condemns several times. While certainly not the only culture that has disdained pictorial and experiential representations—i.e., pictures and plays—Islamic culture was and continues to be very strict about how representations take place. In many areas, this led to greater creativity. Because paintings of people, especially Mohammed, were forbidden, much Islamic art tended toward abstract geometrical designs that could not be construed as idols. In terms of performance, the issue of representation cannot be dealt with so easily, but certain types of theatre thrived within Islamic culture. Clowning and miming were both practiced in the Islamic world up until earlier this century. In Shi'ite populations, the ritual drama of ta'ziyeh was developed and continues to be practiced. Shadow puppet performances also proved popular, and it is
 through an exploration of one type of shadow puppet [End Page 187] show, the Turkish karagöz puppets and Greek karagiozis puppets, that one can see how this specific art form defied the Islamic ban against representations. However, karagöz and karagiozis shows also provided an outlet for the peasant population to define themselves and to criticize the higher classes. As such, the performance karagöz and karagiozis provided a carnivalistic atmosphere where power relations could be inverted and restructured, and they therefore become a way of both resisting and creating oppression within Turkish and Greek society. 

Turkish karagöz performances are mentioned by the sixteenth century, though they surely derived from the shadow puppet theatre of China, Indonesia, and Egypt from the thirteenth century (Tietze 1977, 16-17). These performances bear several resemblances to Javanese shadow puppetry, the wayang kulit tradition, most recognizably in the practice of having a single puppeteer perform all parts, accompanied by musicians, or in the distorted body types of the characters. Most plays center around the action of two friends, the brash but poor Karagöz, forever dreaming of ways to get rich or catch the eyes of beautiful women, and the educated and somewhat prissy Hacivat (sometimes spelled Hajivat). Each play follows a specific structure: the prologue, typically a ghazal— a type of lyrical poem favored by Sufi poets—blessing the sultan, followed by a dialogue of Karagöz and another important character. Their dialogue leads to some absurd situation that formed the main action of the play, and
 after a denouement typically involving Karagöz beating Hacivat, there would be an epilogue (p. 23). 

A sample scenario is The Public Scribe (Yazici). "Unemployed, Karagöz becomes a public scribe in a haunted shop, where he writes nonsensical letters for his clients. At length, he is haunted by a djin, hired for this purpose by Hajivat" (And 1975, 63). Karagöz doesn't always successfully get out of his misfortunes, but he is always defiant, sometimes obscenely so, in the face of his problems. The entire karagöz show, like the wayang kulit, was performed by a single puppeteer who both manipulated the puppets and voiced all of the characters' dialogue, with a singer and a tambourine player playing music in the background. There were no scripts, merely the memory and improvisational skills of the puppeteer—doubly impressive considering that most of the dialogue was formed of rhymed couplets; modern scripts or scenarios that exist are typically transcriptions of actual performances (Tietze 1977, 14-15). 

Karagöz became a popular art form in Turkey from the late sixteenth century on, coinciding with the rise in popularity of coffee shops. Islamic officials condemned both, but the poorer classes filled them. In Turkey, karagöz shows were especially popular during Ramadan. Throughout the period of this observance, the most holy in Islam, [End Page 188] there is no food or drink consumption during the day, and after sundown feasts are held. Typically, people would come to coffee houses for the feast and enjoy a karagöz show at the same time, with a different show being performed every night of Ramadan (p. 22). Karagöz thus became associated with festival, with the carnivalistic side of Islam's most solemn holy month, and as such, karagöz shows became mixed with both religious elements and carnival elements. 

Islamic Sufi thought, one of the most powerful cultural forces within Islamic society from the twelfth century on, also affected karagöz performance. According to karagiozis expert Linda Myrsiades, "Turkish shadow puppetry was designed both to entertain and to achieve religious experience, based on the Sufi Islam doctrine that man is but a shadow manipulated by his Creator" (1988, 2). The opening poem, typically recited by either Karagöz or Hacivat, is a ghazal. The rules against forms of representation expressed by the Koran in Sura Two are fairly strict, but Sufi clerics defended karagöz performance. A complex theological argument was formulated: because Islam forbids the representation of animate beings and, furthermore, because shadow puppets were perforated by holes, there was no possible reason to think of shadow puppets as animate beings; thus shadow puppet shows could be performed (Martinovich 1933, 36). 

On the other hand, karagöz also was deeply influencedbycertain aspects of Byzantine mime, which had remained popular in Turkey. Even as the Byzantine empire gave way to the Ottoman, Karagöz himself acted as a Byzantine mime fool, making obscene jokes, performing lewd acts, and sometimes sporting a phallus—holdovers from old Greek comedy. These carnivalistic aspects of karagöz tended to subvert any religious doctrine the plays were attempting to expound upon. 

Peter Burke, in Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, notes "[t]here were three major themes in Carnival, real and symbolic: food, sex, and violence" (1994, 186). Karagöz shows are associated with all of three of these. The food association is obvious, especially considering how many shows were performed during nighttime Ramadan feasts. Sex and violence were often portrayed behind the backlit white curtain of the karagöz stage. Many plays feature Karagöz's attempts to enter the realm of the courtesan Zenne; in such pursuits, Karagöz would sometimes wear a giant phallus. Most of Karagöz's efforts were unsuccessful, however, and he would therefore resort to tricks such as dressing up in women's clothing. Other plays featured lesbianism, hermaphrodites, and multiple marriages (in Islamic societies, men were allowed up to four wives, though because of the practical nature of real marital situations this rarely occurred). Sexuality was thus presented in a way that was outside the norms
 of typical Islamic society, as was violence. One of [End Page 189] the major stock characters of the play was the drunkard Matiz, who was "extremely proud of having murdered several people himself, including his own children and family" and who often threatened to cut off Karagöz's head (And 1975, 55-56). Karagöz plays often featured the violent acts of djinn, dark spirits. In one play, The Offended Ones (Kirginlar), Karagöz kills along with Hacivat's three brothers, and then avoids being caught by Hacivat's son (p. 64). 

The carnival's treatments of food, sex, and violence in medieval Europe were also associated with what Bakhtin calls "the mock crowning and subsequent decrowning of the carnival king" where 
he who is crowned is the antipode of a real king, a slave or a jester; this act, as it were, opens and sanctifies the inside-out world of carnival. In the ritual of crowning all aspects of the actual ceremony—the symbols of authority that are handed over to the newly crowned king . . . all become ambivalent and acquire a veneer of joyful relativity. (Bakhtin 1998, 252) 

In the karagöz plays, it is Karagöz himself who is the fool that is raised to power. That power is often seized at the very beginning of the play, where Hacivat, the morally upright and intelligent character, gives power to Karagöz and is immediately beaten. Once Karagöz has power, situations arise, either from the acts ofKaragöz himself or from other characters, which open up the normal societal controls on sex and violence. At the end of most plays, Karagöz loses his power and society returns to normal: the dandy gets the courtesan, and Karagöz loses his fantastic job and returns to his normal place in society. 

Whereas other shadow puppet traditions, such as wayang kulit, base many of their plays around the heroic acts of the nobility, there is none of this within the Turkish karagöz . Karagöz was identified as a member of the lower classes; audiences often identified with the Karagöz character in return. Most of Karagöz's ambitions deal with gaining power: gaining wealth, a job with a great deal of status, or a high-class marriage, ambitions that were common within most of Turkish society. Karagöz uses his rough persona to dominate those around him—wealthy foreigners and power brokers from Turkish society, none more so than the educated and well-to-do but delicate and clueless Hacivat, a figure of middle-class ineffectiveness. Karagöz is not an entirely flattering reflection, but through identification with this grotesque character who comes into power, the audience was able to communally define itself. Karagöz's aspirations for a better place in society, a beautiful wife, and the power to
 rule over upper-class characters like gave the audience a sense of power. The plays acted as a powerful forum where the lower classes of Turkey could say "this is who we are" to those in authority: the Ottoman state and the Islamic clerics. [End Page 190] 

The Greeks, colonized by the Ottoman Turks, used this power in very interesting ways to deal with being subjected to foreign rule. Karagöz plays entered Greece at the same time they were achieving popularity in Turkey. Interestingly, the Orthodox church in Greece had many of the same prohibitions against mime and theatre that Islam had during that period (Myrsiades 1988, 11). The Greeks performed much the same repertoire of play scenarios, but the names of the two central characters transformed into Karagoizis and Hatziavatis. However, a major shift in the repertoire occurred in 1821, when Greece won its independence from the Ottoman empire and the people of Greece started to perceive themselves no longer as the underlings of a powerful emperor but rather as the proud descendants of the Greek Alexandrine heroic past. At the end of the nineteenth century, an epic shadow puppet play called The Hero Katsandonis achieved great popularity in Greece. The play, no longer a comedy but rather
 a "heroic drama," is performed over three nights (Myrsiades 1999, 133). Karagoizis and Hatziavatis are still present in the play but their antics are only a small part of a play about a true Greek brigand captain of the War of 1821 who fights the evil Ali Pasha. In other Greek plays Karagoizis himself fights fantastic beasts to save children (p. 99). The Romantic hero had replaced the grotesque fool as the symbol of the Greek lower classes. 

If these plays acted as a form of communal self-identification, a way for those without power in society to say "this is who we are," they, by the same token, acted as strong ways for the community to state what it was not. Many of the stock characters in karagöz plays strike the modern reader as racist or ethnic stereotypes. As an example of such stock characters, there are the "Cut," the Armenian, and the Arab. The Cut is "the haggling Jew. . . seen as a money lender, a second hand dealer, or a peddler. He is a malicious and vulgar type." The Armenian is "usually the major domo of a large household. He has no sense of humour, a limited intelligence, and is very serious about his work." The Arab "has a habit of praying whenever he has to pay money and sometimes when he receives money he pretends to pray for the giver but actually curses him. He is very stupid and cannot grasp things easily" (And 1975, 58-59). Visual representations of Africans are extremely stereotypical, as are the
 representations of Arabs, Persians, and Albanians. The prejudices expressed in karagöz and karagiozis plays foreshadowed the violent ethnic conflicts that occurred in the area following World War I. This is also ironic in light of the fact that many of the puppeteers were members of ethnic minorities, such as Jews or Armenians. Again, though, it shows how powerful the karagöz plays were in creating a communal identity for Turkish or Greek audiences. 

It was this power to create communal identity that gave the [End Page 191] karagöz plays their vitality and importance within Ottoman and Greek culture. Even though both cultures had religious prohibitions that might have otherwise prevented the plays from being performed, these shadow plays were so popular with the community that the religious institutions found ways to excuse—and sometimes even bless—them. And through the karagöz plays, the community found an expression of power. At the end, though, the mock king became dethroned; Karagöz was always returned to his normal place in society. Social and cultural norms returned again. So the lower classes could have the power to define themselves, but only for a short time, and then it had to be given back. The carnival world portrayed behind the white curtain of the shadow puppet theatre was only a fleeting, temporary illusion. 

Karagöz as a performance art has nearly died out in both Greece and Turkey; most critics argue that the rising dominance of movies and television as forms of entertainment led to the decline of shadow puppetry in both countries ("Turkish Shadow Theater and Karagoz" 2000). Westernization in both countries, especially the program in Turkey started by Kamal Ataturk in the mid-1920s, has tended to dismiss folk art as a product of a bygone age. By the late 1980s, the last of the karagöz performers—many of them performing the plays on television—retired. There have been recent attempts to revive the form, such as Shadow Light Productions' performance of The Metamorphosis of Karaghozis or the Internet site <www.karagoz.tv>. These new performances have much of the same crude and brash humor as the karagöz shows of three hundred years ago, but mediums like the Internet and television don't have the immediate communal presence of a live performance. Society has changed and perhaps the need for
 identity creation through karagöz is gone now, or perhaps Karagöz and Karagoizis are no longer the identities that modern Turks and Greeks want for themselves. However, during the height of the Ottoman empire, these plays gave the lower classes a sense of power, even to the point of helping entire oppressed societies of Greeks reformulate their cultural identity in a newly independent homeland. A powerful sense of community emerged from behind the white screen populated by shadows that made up the karagöz performance. 

James Smith is currently working on an MA in theatre studies at the University of Arizona, writing a thesis on contemporary performances of medieval British mystery cycles. 
References 
And, Metin. 1975. 
Karagöz: Turkish Shadow Theatre. Ankara: Dost Yayžnlari. 

Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1998. 
"Carnival and the Carnivalesque." In John Storey, ed., Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: A Reader. Athens: University of Georgia Press. [End Page 192] 

Burke, Peter. 1994. 
Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe. Rev. ed. Hants: Scolar Press. 

Gudukbay, Ugar, Fatih Erol, and Nezih Erdogan. 2000. <
"Beyond Tradition and Modernity: Digital Shadow Theater." Leonardo 33 (4): 264. 

Keeler, Ward. 1992. 
Images of Asia: Javanese Shadow Puppets. Singapore: Oxford University Press. 

Koran. 1997. 
Translated by N. J. Dawood. London: Penguin Press. 

Myrsiades, Linda S., and Kostas Myrsiades. 1988. 
The Karagoizis Heroic Performance in Greek Shadow Theater. Hanover: New England University Press. 

——. 1992. 
Karagiozis: Culture & Comedy in Greek Puppet Theater. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. 
——. 1999. 

Karagoizis: Three Classic Plays. New York: Pella Press. 

Martinovich, Nicholas. 1933. 
The Turkish Theatre. New York: Theatre Arts. 

Schimmel, Annemarie. 2001. 
AsThrough aVeil: Mystical Poetry in Islam. Oxford: Oneworld. 

Tietze, Andreas. 1977. 
The Turkish Shadow Theater and the Puppet Collection of the L.A. Meyer Memorial Foundation. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. 

"Turkish Shadow Theater and Karagoz." 2000. 
Turkish Probe. Turkish Daily News. December 10. <http://www.turkishdailynews.com/past_probe/12_10_00/leisure.htm#l2>. 



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<DIV>merhaba </DIV>
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<DIV>ilginizi cekecegini umdugum icin asagidaki makaleyi ekliyorum. </DIV>
<DIV>makalenin icinde yer aldigi makalenin internet adresi ise soyle <A href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_theatre_journal/v021/21.2smith.html">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_theatre_journal/v021/21.2smith.html</A></DIV>
<DIV>ama ulasimda authorization sorunu cikabilir. </DIV>
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<DIV>murat göç</DIV>
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<H2 class=title><!--_title-->Karagöz and Hacivat: <!--_/title--></H2>
<H2 class=subtitle><!--_subtitle-->Projections of Subversion and Conformance <!--_/subtitle--></H2>
<H3 class=byline><!--_byline--><A href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_theatre_journal/v021/21.2smith.html#authbio">James Smith</A> <!--_/byline--></H3>
<DIV class=beginText>
<DIV class=abstract><!--_abstract--><B>Abstract</B><BR>This article examines the related shadow puppet traditions of Turkey and Greece, <I>karagöz</I> and <I>karagiozi</I>s respectively, relating them to Bakhtin's theories of carnivalistic performance.The authoranalyzes how these forms of shadow puppetry were used by various audience communities to negotiate and define cultural boundaries and senses of communal identity. <!--_/abstract--></DIV>
<P class=noIndent>In Islamic culture, representation is a difficult and complex issue. Most representation is thought of as a form of idolatry, which the Koran explicitly condemns several times. While certainly not the only culture that has disdained pictorial and experiential representations—i.e., pictures and plays—Islamic culture was and continues to be very strict about how representations take place. In many areas, this led to greater creativity. Because paintings of people, especially Mohammed, were forbidden, much Islamic art tended toward abstract geometrical designs that could not be construed as idols. In terms of performance, the issue of representation cannot be dealt with so easily, but certain types of theatre thrived within Islamic culture. Clowning and miming were both practiced in the Islamic world up until earlier this century. In Shi'ite populations, the ritual drama of <I>ta'ziyeh</I> was developed and continues to be practiced. Shadow puppet performances also
 proved popular, and it is through an exploration of one type of shadow puppet <B>[End Page 187]</B> show, the Turkish <I>karagöz</I> puppets and Greek <I>karagiozis</I> puppets, that one can see how this specific art form defied the Islamic ban against representations. However, <I>karagöz</I> and <I>karagiozis</I> shows also provided an outlet for the peasant population to define themselves and to criticize the higher classes. As such, the performance <I>karagöz</I> and <I>karagiozis</I> provided a carnivalistic atmosphere where power relations could be inverted and restructured, and they therefore become a way of both resisting and creating oppression within Turkish and Greek society. </P>
<P>Turkish <I>karagöz</I> performances are mentioned by the sixteenth century, though they surely derived from the shadow puppet theatre of China, Indonesia, and Egypt from the thirteenth century (Tietze 1977, 16-17). These performances bear several resemblances to Javanese shadow puppetry, the <I>wayang kulit</I> tradition, most recognizably in the practice of having a single puppeteer perform all parts, accompanied by musicians, or in the distorted body types of the characters. Most plays center around the action of two friends, the brash but poor Karagöz, forever dreaming of ways to get rich or catch the eyes of beautiful women, and the educated and somewhat prissy Hacivat (sometimes spelled Hajivat). Each play follows a specific structure: the prologue, typically a <I>ghazal—</I> a type of lyrical poem favored by Sufi poets—blessing the sultan, followed by a dialogue of Karagöz and another important character. Their dialogue leads to some absurd situation that formed the main
 action of the play, and after a denouement typically involving Karagöz beating Hacivat, there would be an epilogue (p. 23). </P>
<P>A sample scenario is <I>The Public Scribe</I> (Yazici). "Unemployed, Karagöz becomes a public scribe in a haunted shop, where he writes nonsensical letters for his clients. At length, he is haunted by a <I>djin,</I> hired for this purpose by Hajivat" (And 1975, 63). Karagöz doesn't always successfully get out of his misfortunes, but he is always defiant, sometimes obscenely so, in the face of his problems. The entire <I>karagöz</I> show, like the <I>wayang kulit,</I> was performed by a single puppeteer who both manipulated the puppets and voiced all of the characters' dialogue, with a singer and a tambourine player playing music in the background. There were no scripts, merely the memory and improvisational skills of the puppeteer—doubly impressive considering that most of the dialogue was formed of rhymed couplets; modern scripts or scenarios that exist are typically transcriptions of actual performances (Tietze 1977, 14-15). </P>
<P><I>Karagöz</I> became a popular art form in Turkey from the late sixteenth century on, coinciding with the rise in popularity of coffee shops. Islamic officials condemned both, but the poorer classes filled them. In Turkey, <I>karagöz</I> shows were especially popular during Ramadan. Throughout the period of this observance, the most holy in Islam, <B>[End Page 188]</B> there is no food or drink consumption during the day, and after sundown feasts are held. Typically, people would come to coffee houses for the feast and enjoy a <I>karagöz</I> show at the same time, with a different show being performed every night of Ramadan (p. 22). <I>Karagöz</I> thus became associated with festival, with the carnivalistic side of Islam's most solemn holy month, and as such, <I>karagöz</I> shows became mixed with both religious elements and carnival elements. </P>
<P>Islamic Sufi thought, one of the most powerful cultural forces within Islamic society from the twelfth century on, also affected <I>karagöz</I> performance. According to <I>karagiozis</I> expert Linda Myrsiades, "Turkish shadow puppetry was designed both to entertain and to achieve religious experience, based on the Sufi Islam doctrine that man is but a shadow manipulated by his Creator" (1988, 2). The opening poem, typically recited by either Karagöz or Hacivat, is a <I>ghazal.</I> The rules against forms of representation expressed by the Koran in Sura Two are fairly strict, but Sufi clerics defended <I>karagöz</I> performance. A complex theological argument was formulated: because Islam forbids the representation of animate beings and, furthermore, because shadow puppets were perforated by holes, there was no possible reason to think of shadow puppets as animate beings; thus shadow puppet shows could be performed (Martinovich 1933, 36). </P>
<P>On the other hand, <I>karagöz</I> also was deeply influencedbycertain aspects of Byzantine mime, which had remained popular in Turkey. Even as the Byzantine empire gave way to the Ottoman, Karagöz himself acted as a Byzantine mime fool, making obscene jokes, performing lewd acts, and sometimes sporting a phallus—holdovers from old Greek comedy. These carnivalistic aspects of <I>karagöz</I> tended to subvert any religious doctrine the plays were attempting to expound upon. </P>
<P>Peter Burke, in <I>Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe,</I> notes "[t]here were three major themes in Carnival, real and symbolic: food, sex, and violence" (1994, 186). <I>Karagöz</I> shows are associated with all of three of these. The food association is obvious, especially considering how many shows were performed during nighttime Ramadan feasts. Sex and violence were often portrayed behind the backlit white curtain of the <I>karagöz</I> stage. Many plays feature Karagöz's attempts to enter the realm of the courtesan Zenne; in such pursuits, Karagöz would sometimes wear a giant phallus. Most of Karagöz's efforts were unsuccessful, however, and he would therefore resort to tricks such as dressing up in women's clothing. Other plays featured lesbianism, hermaphrodites, and multiple marriages (in Islamic societies, men were allowed up to four wives, though because of the practical nature of real marital situations this rarely occurred). Sexuality was thus presented in a way
 that was outside the norms of typical Islamic society, as was violence. One of <B>[End Page 189]</B> the major stock characters of the play was the drunkard Matiz, who was "extremely proud of having murdered several people himself, including his own children and family" and who often threatened to cut off Karagöz's head (And 1975, 55-56). <I>Karagöz</I> plays often featured the violent acts of <I>djinn,</I> dark spirits. In one play, <I>The Offended Ones</I> (Kirginlar), Karagöz kills along with Hacivat's three brothers, and then avoids being caught by Hacivat's son (p. 64). </P>
<P>The carnival's treatments of food, sex, and violence in medieval Europe were also associated with what Bakhtin calls "the mock crowning and subsequent decrowning of the carnival king" where </P>
<BLOCKQUOTE class=extract><!--_extract-->he who is crowned is the antipode of a real king, a slave or a jester; this act, as it were, opens and sanctifies the inside-out world of carnival. In the ritual of crowning all aspects of the actual ceremony—the symbols of authority that are handed over to the newly crowned king . . . all become ambivalent and acquire a veneer of joyful relativity. <!--_/extract--></BLOCKQUOTE>
<DIV class=attribution><!--_attribution-->(Bakhtin 1998, 252) <!--_/attribution--></DIV>
<P>In the <I>karagöz</I> plays, it is Karagöz himself who is the fool that is raised to power. That power is often seized at the very beginning of the play, where Hacivat, the morally upright and intelligent character, gives power to Karagöz and is immediately beaten. Once Karagöz has power, situations arise, either from the acts ofKaragöz himself or from other characters, which open up the normal societal controls on sex and violence. At the end of most plays, Karagöz loses his power and society returns to normal: the dandy gets the courtesan, and Karagöz loses his fantastic job and returns to his normal place in society. </P>
<P>Whereas other shadow puppet traditions, such as <I>wayang kulit,</I> base many of their plays around the heroic acts of the nobility, there is none of this within the Turkish <I>karagöz .</I> Karagöz was identified as a member of the lower classes; audiences often identified with the Karagöz character in return. Most of Karagöz's ambitions deal with gaining power: gaining wealth, a job with a great deal of status, or a high-class marriage, ambitions that were common within most of Turkish society. Karagöz uses his rough persona to dominate those around him—wealthy foreigners and power brokers from Turkish society, none more so than the educated and well-to-do but delicate and clueless Hacivat, a figure of middle-class ineffectiveness. Karagöz is not an entirely flattering reflection, but through identification with this grotesque character who comes into power, the audience was able to communally define itself. Karagöz's aspirations for a better place in society, a beautiful wife,
 and the power to rule over upper-class characters like gave the audience a sense of power. The plays acted as a powerful forum where the lower classes of Turkey could say "this is who we are" to those in authority: the Ottoman state and the Islamic clerics. <B>[End Page 190]</B> </P>
<P>The Greeks, colonized by the Ottoman Turks, used this power in very interesting ways to deal with being subjected to foreign rule. <I>Karagöz</I> plays entered Greece at the same time they were achieving popularity in Turkey. Interestingly, the Orthodox church in Greece had many of the same prohibitions against mime and theatre that Islam had during that period (Myrsiades 1988, 11). The Greeks performed much the same repertoire of play scenarios, but the names of the two central characters transformed into Karagoizis and Hatziavatis. However, a major shift in the repertoire occurred in 1821, when Greece won its independence from the Ottoman empire and the people of Greece started to perceive themselves no longer as the underlings of a powerful emperor but rather as the proud descendants of the Greek Alexandrine heroic past. At the end of the nineteenth century, an epic shadow puppet play called <I>The Hero Katsandonis</I> achieved great popularity in Greece. The play, no longer a
 comedy but rather a "heroic drama," is performed over three nights (Myrsiades 1999, 133). Karagoizis and Hatziavatis are still present in the play but their antics are only a small part of a play about a true Greek brigand captain of the War of 1821 who fights the evil Ali Pasha. In other Greek plays Karagoizis himself fights fantastic beasts to save children (p. 99). The Romantic hero had replaced the grotesque fool as the symbol of the Greek lower classes. </P>
<P>If these plays acted as a form of communal self-identification, a way for those without power in society to say "this is who we are," they, by the same token, acted as strong ways for the community to state what it was not. Many of the stock characters in <I>karagöz</I> plays strike the modern reader as racist or ethnic stereotypes. As an example of such stock characters, there are the "Cut," the Armenian, and the Arab. The Cut is "the haggling Jew. . . seen as a money lender, a second hand dealer, or a peddler. He is a malicious and vulgar type." The Armenian is "usually the major domo of a large household. He has no sense of humour, a limited intelligence, and is very serious about his work." The Arab "has a habit of praying whenever he has to pay money and sometimes when he receives money he pretends to pray for the giver but actually curses him. He is very stupid and cannot grasp things easily" (And 1975, 58-59). Visual representations of Africans are extremely stereotypical,
 as are the representations of Arabs, Persians, and Albanians. The prejudices expressed in <I>karagöz</I> and <I>karagiozis</I> plays foreshadowed the violent ethnic conflicts that occurred in the area following World War I. This is also ironic in light of the fact that many of the puppeteers were members of ethnic minorities, such as Jews or Armenians. Again, though, it shows how powerful the <I>karagöz</I> plays were in creating a communal identity for Turkish or Greek audiences. </P>
<P>It was this power to create communal identity that gave the <B>[End Page 191]</B> <I>karagöz</I> plays their vitality and importance within Ottoman and Greek culture. Even though both cultures had religious prohibitions that might have otherwise prevented the plays from being performed, these shadow plays were so popular with the community that the religious institutions found ways to excuse—and sometimes even bless—them. And through the <I>karagöz</I> plays, the community found an expression of power. At the end, though, the mock king became dethroned; Karagöz was always returned to his normal place in society. Social and cultural norms returned again. So the lower classes could have the power to define themselves, but only for a short time, and then it had to be given back. The carnival world portrayed behind the white curtain of the shadow puppet theatre was only a fleeting, temporary illusion. </P>
<P><I>Karagöz</I> as a performance art has nearly died out in both Greece and Turkey; most critics argue that the rising dominance of movies and television as forms of entertainment led to the decline of shadow puppetry in both countries ("Turkish Shadow Theater and Karagoz" 2000). Westernization in both countries, especially the program in Turkey started by Kamal Ataturk in the mid-1920s, has tended to dismiss folk art as a product of a bygone age. By the late 1980s, the last of the <I>karagöz</I> performers—many of them performing the plays on television—retired. There have been recent attempts to revive the form, such as Shadow Light Productions' performance of <I>The Metamorphosis of Karaghozis</I> or the Internet site &lt;<A href="http://www.karagoz.tv/">www.karagoz.tv</A>&gt;. These new performances have much of the same crude and brash humor as the <I>karagöz</I> shows of three hundred years ago, but mediums like the Internet and television don't have the immediate communal
 presence of a live performance. Society has changed and perhaps the need for identity creation through <I>karagöz</I> is gone now, or perhaps Karagöz and Karagoizis are no longer the identities that modern Turks and Greeks want for themselves. However, during the height of the Ottoman empire, these plays gave the lower classes a sense of power, even to the point of helping entire oppressed societies of Greeks reformulate their cultural identity in a newly independent homeland. A powerful sense of community emerged from behind the white screen populated by shadows that made up the <I>karagöz</I> performance. </P></DIV>
<DIV class=endText>
<DIV class=authbio><!--_authbio--><A href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_theatre_journal/v021/21.2smith.html#top" name=authbio><I>James Smith</I></A> is currently working on an MA in theatre studies at the University of Arizona, writing a thesis on contemporary performances of medieval British mystery cycles. <!--_/authbio--></DIV>
<H3 class=references><!--_references-->References <!--_/references--></H3>
<P class=noIndent>And, Metin. 1975. <BR><I>Karagöz: Turkish Shadow Theatre.</I> Ankara: Dost Yayžnlari. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1998. <BR>"Carnival and the Carnivalesque." In John Storey, ed., <I>Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: A Reader.</I> Athens: University of Georgia Press. <B>[End Page 192]</B> </P>
<P class=noIndent>Burke, Peter. 1994. <BR><I>Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe.</I> Rev. ed. Hants: Scolar Press. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Gudukbay, Ugar, Fatih Erol, and Nezih Erdogan. 2000. &lt;<BR>"Beyond Tradition and Modernity: Digital Shadow Theater." <I>Leonardo</I> 33 (4): 264. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Keeler, Ward. 1992. <BR><I>Images of Asia: Javanese Shadow Puppets.</I> Singapore: Oxford University Press. </P>
<P class=noIndent><I>Koran.</I> 1997. <BR>Translated by N. J. Dawood. London: Penguin Press. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Myrsiades, Linda S., and Kostas Myrsiades. 1988. <BR><I>The Karagoizis Heroic Performance in Greek Shadow Theater.</I> Hanover: New England University Press. </P>
<P class=noIndent>——. 1992. <BR><I>Karagiozis: Culture &amp; Comedy in Greek Puppet Theater.</I> Lexington: University of Kentucky Press. <BR>——. 1999. </P>
<P class=noIndent><I>Karagoizis: Three Classic Plays.</I> New York: Pella Press. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Martinovich, Nicholas. 1933. <BR><I>The Turkish Theatre.</I> New York: Theatre Arts. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Schimmel, Annemarie. 2001. <BR><I>AsThrough aVeil: Mystical Poetry in Islam.</I> Oxford: Oneworld. </P>
<P class=noIndent>Tietze, Andreas. 1977. <BR><I>The Turkish Shadow Theater and the Puppet Collection of the L.A. Meyer Memorial Foundation.</I> Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. </P>
<P class=noIndent>"Turkish Shadow Theater and Karagoz." 2000. <BR><I>Turkish Probe. Turkish Daily News.</I> December 10. &lt;<A href="http://www.turkishdailynews.com/past_probe/12_10_00/leisure.htm#l2">http://www.turkishdailynews.com/past_probe/12_10_00/leisure.htm#l2</A>&gt;. </P></DIV><BR><BR><!--BEGIN BUTTONS-->
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