[Discussion] Developing Cultural Identity in the Balkans: Convergence vs. Divergence

Tue, 09 Dec 2003 18:38:31 +0200

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  *Abstracts of papers for the International Conference on **Developing
  Cultural Identity in the Balkans: Convergence vs. Divergence *

at Ghent University , December 12-13, 2003

    * _Linguistic approaches
      <http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#1>_
    * _Anthropological approaches
      <http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#2>_
    * _Historical approaches (1)
      <http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#3>_
    * _Historical approaches (2)
      <http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#4>_

------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Linguistic approaches

Morning session, Friday December 12
(Chair: Pieter Plas)

Victor A. Friedman ( University of Chicago )
E-mail: vfriedm@midway.uchicago.edu <mailto:vfriedm@midway.uchicago.edu>

*Turkisms, Balkan Identity, and Balkan Linguistic Ideologies *

Although the concept of substratum influence was crucial in the initial 
theorizing of the Balkan linguistic league, and morpho-syntactic 
convergence is taken by linguists today as the chief defining factor, it 
is arguable that the shared lexical component which entered the Balkan 
languages from or via Turkish is a more salient unifying factor in terms 
of the way ordinary people think about language. At the same time, the 
status of Turkisms has risen and fallen and risen again in response to 
external events. I shall examine the symbolic deployment of Turkisms as 
signs in various types of identity formation and in linguistic 
ideologies, i.e. in the ideas that people have about language and 
language use. I shall show that Turkish continues to be a site for the 
exercise of lexical and symbolic power and contestation in the Balkans 
even ninety years after Turkey in Europe was reduced to the territory of 
eastern Thrace, but the symbolism changes according to a number of 
variables.The object of puristic movements during nation-state formation 
(even in Turkey itself, since many of these words were of Arabo-Persian 
origin), this same vocabulary was used to signify democracy in post '89 
ex-communist Balkan countries.  Among the exceptions to this trend are 
former Serbo-Croatian-speaking Yugoslavia, where Turkisms became 
entangled in the Wars of Succession, and the newly emerging Aromanian 
and Romani standard languages, where Turkisms have become symbolic 
capital not in anti-establishmentarianism but in its opposite, namely, 
the  construction of an establishment. There is also the question of the 
interface between Turkish and the Christian/Muslim divide, which is not 
a matter of simple one-on-one mapping.  Furthermore, despite the usual 
emphasis on Turkisms as a shared component in the Balkan linguistic 
league, there are also important divergences in he selection of Turkish 
vocabulary in the individual languages. Thus, for example, an 
examination of the best dictionaries of Turkisms in Serbo-Croatian and 
Bulgarian shows that over a third of the Turkish vocabulary in one 
language is not shared with the other. Finally, I shall also discuss how 
ideology affects scholarship on Turkisms.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Christian Voss ( Freiburg University )
E-mail: christian.voss@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de 
<mailto:christian.voss@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de>

*Linguistic Divergence and (Re)Convergence in the Macedonian 
Standard/Dialect-Continuum *

This paper compares the linguistic development in Vardar- and Aegean 
Macedonia diachronically by using the model of divergence and 
(re)convergence: The historical region of Macedonia after 1913 was 
divided by culturally highly ambiguous political borders which tended to 
create new linguistic borders, when Serbian (in Vardar-Macedonia) and 
Greek (in Aegean Macedonia) became the umbrella languages for the local 
vernaculars. This asymmetry was aggravated by the most important step of 
Macedonian /nation building /after 1944, the implementation of the 
Macedonian standard language, which only by means of the Communist 
partisan press spilled over into Greece during the Greek Civil War.

After 1989 we observe osmotic interrelations between the two existing 
Macedonian identity models, the national Tito-Yugoslav and the local one 
of the Slavic-speaking minority in Greece (where Macedonianness is a 
synonym of indigenity).

The crucial point is to work out the mechanisms (language, symbols, 
politics of memory) of the Macedonian cross-border cohesion which in the 
last 10 years has led to a slow and partial ethnicisation and even 
nationalisation of Greece 's Slavic minority towards the Republic of 
Macedonia , especially in the centre of the "ethnic revival", i.e. the 
border region of Florina.

This can be seen from the publications of the "RAINBOW-party of National 
Macedonians" which officially started in 1989 as a typical indigenous 
movement with an exclusively local frame of reference, whereas the 
movement's publications during the 1990s are brought into line with the 
press of the Canadian and Australian Macedonian diaspora, joining the 
/global ethnic network /(described by Danforth 1995 and representing a 
prototype case of Appadurai's /ethnoscapes /1996). The message of this 
paper is to contest the functioning of language as the central symbol of 
ethnic boundaries, since the subjective feeling of social exclusion is 
at the very core of Macedonian identity in Greece .

On the northern side of the border, the political and cultural 
revisionism of the pro-Bulgarian government of Ljubco Georgievski 
(VMRO-DPMNE) 1998-2002 brought to an end the ideal of linguistic 
equidistance followed by Blaze Koneski after 1944: This openly 
anti-Serbian linguistic policy (e.g. the daily TV emission "Govorete 
makedonski" 2000-2002) corresponds to the phenomenon of post-communist 
/language planning /corrections (comparable to Clyne 1997 "Undoing and 
redoing corpus planning"), in our case it leads to a linguistic 
rapprochement with the Bulgarian standard and the roofless dialects, too.

This paper resumes some results of my habilitation project "Linguistic 
convergence and divergence in the Macedonian standard/dialect-continuum. 
Language planning, language use and language attitudes in Vardar- and 
Aegean Macedonia during the 20 th century", including impressions of 
several fieldwork stays in the region between 2000 and 2003 as well as 
results of the conference "Minorities in Greece . Historical 
perspectives and new issues", organised by Sevasti Trubeta and me in 
Berlin in January 2003.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Tanja Petrovic ( Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts)
E-mail: taxema@yahoo.com <mailto:taxema@yahoo.com>

*Language Ideology of Serbs in Bela krajina: Between Balkan values and 
European Modernity *

In the Slovenian southern region Bela Krajina there are four Orthodox 
Serbian speaking villages: Bojanci, Milici, Paunovici, and Marindol. 
These villages are inhabited by Serbs - descendants of Uskoks, renegade 
refugees from the Ottoman Empire , who have settled down since 1526 in 
several migration waves. Most of them were included into the framework 
of the Hapsburg Military Border, while the major part of Bela Krajina 
became the border's hinterland. These villages are settled near to the 
Croatian border and are surrounded by Slovene speaking settlements.

Although out of the area which is commonly designated as the Balkans, 
these four villages in Slovenia are considered to be part of "Balkan 
patriarchal culture", both for the cultural heritage and shared social 
values and norms prevailing among their inhabitants. The Orthodox, 
Serbian-speaking population of the four villages have managed to 
preserve their native vernacular, and religious and cultural identity 
for more than five centuries, mainly because of very strict social rules 
restricting interactions with the surrounding Slovene-speaking, Catholic 
population. Significant social changes that took place in the middle of 
20th century caused by industrialization and deagrarization, resulted 
increased mobility of population emergence of intermarriages and 
consequently in a rapid decline in use of the native vernacular among 
these Serbs, which is being replaced by the dominant Slovenian idiom. 
The present situation indicates a contact-induced language shift: only 
the oldest generation of inhabitants has a full, native-like competence 
in Serbian, the middle generation speaks it occasionally, mainly in 
communication with their parents, while children in these villages 
understand their Serbian speaking grand-parents, but almost always 
respond to them in Slovene.

On the basis of a number of narratives recorded among Serbs in Bela 
Krajina, I will try to outline basics of their language ideology, i.e. 
explicit or implicit representations of language read out from 
community's linguistic practice, metapragmatic discourse by which 
speakers interpret their own language behavior, and from shared 
representations related to power structures.

Understood as a cultural conceptualization of language which has the 
social dimension and is necessarily related to social power, the 
language ideology of the Serbian community in Bela Krajina can clearly 
show the way in which its members deal with dialectic relationship 
between a positive cultural stance towards the native language, which 
advocates the integrity of the language and speech community, and a 
pragmatism concerning sociocultural and linguistic change which adopts a 
course of action in which modernization and the urban developments take 
priority over traditionalism.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Razvan Dumitru ( University of Bucharest )
E-mail: razvan_dumi@yahoo.com <mailto:razvan_dumi@yahoo.com>

*Vlaski language and Vlasi identity in the Vidin Region ( Bulgaria ) *

The paper shows the relation between identity and the spoken 
language/(s). The people from the Vidin region are connecting their 
identity with their use of the teo different language (Bulgarian and a 
Romanian dialect (called Vlaski).

It seems that the people from the villages (Kapitanovti and Pokraina 
were we had the fieldwork) can be grouped in three categories upon how 
they connect their identity with their Vlaski use.

The relationship between "to be" and "to speak"

I. In several cases, the two verbs are overlapping. Those who declare 
themselves as Romanians based on their Romance language belong to the 
peripheral categories of system constructed on the bases of national 
symbolical order, in our case -Bulgarian nation. In this category, we 
include the persons that were not socialized in the Bulgarian 
educational system (generally speaking, the ones who were born in 
inter-war period or earlier). Still, their connection to urban life has 
not been permanent, their main occupation being agriculture and other 
adjacent activities (the selling of agricultural products at the market 
was/is a secondary one).

Urban space belongs also to official system of power represented by 
office-workers and strangers.

II. On intermediary level, there are the ones who distinguish between 
/to be /and /to speak /and have a problematic identity. Though they use 
the language, they perceive such a linguistic identity as a factor of 
exclusion even for their children from the social structure. Therefore, 
the use of Vlaski language may correspond to a danger of social 
exclusion; that's why the younger generations keep their children apart 
from Vlaski dialect. At the discursive level this matter is expressed 
through "not to spoil childrens' language". /To spoil the language 
/meaning /to pollute one's language symbolically /represents a potential 
of exclusion that can decrease one's chances of access to the state 
social system.

III. There is the third category of subjects, for whom /to speak /it 
doesn't have any link with /to be. /To speak in Vlaski or Romanian is, 
at discursive level, just another language that can be used or not in 
utilitarian way. For those people to speak /Vlaski /doesn't interact at 
all with to be /Vlaski, /and for this reason they don't perceive any 
danger to their national identity. They are declaring themselves as 
Bulgarians though they use the Vlaski dialect in different proportions 
compared with the older generations. In this category, I enclosed both 
people who were active in urban centers, in this way they were/are 
separated from the community of their parents, and children who have 
learnt to speak Vlaski from their grandparents as a curiosity. Their 
parents probably, Vlaski speakers they don't use it even in the family.

Thus a specific connotation of the Vlaski language system is strongly 
connected with the symbolic system to which a person is involved in.

  People use many systems of signs (signification systems) more or less 
connected for dealing with different linguistic, ethnic, or some 
identities like Romanian- Bulgarian, villager - city man, old- new, 
traditional - modern.

  The three categories determine them to make connections between Vlaski 
language and self-identity (defined as the relationship between the two 
verbs /to speak /and /to be /) correspond to three ways of manage with 
two symbolical systems.

  A local community, a specific dialect, and the peasant life style 
define one. The other defined by modern institution of the national 
state, national language and urban space as politic and economic center.

  What remains to discuss is the relationship between the symbolic 
system of Romanian national state and Vlachs communities. What turns out 
from our study is the absence of any dispute over the relationship, we 
didn't meet people having a feeling of belonging to Romanian nation.

Despite the attempt of homogenizing made by Bulgarian national state the 
local and previous symbolic system still survives. However it is 
re-signified under the new social interactions that emerge across local 
and national boundaries. The relatively recent re-implication of the 
politic and economic power of the national states as well as the 
supra-national organizations (i.e. European Union) concerning the 
re-structuring of these new re-signification processes can be study and 
approached.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Anthropological approaches

Afternoon session, Friday December 12
(Chair: Raymond Detrez)

Ger Duijzings ( University of Amsterdam , University College London )
E-mail: G.Duijzings@inter.NL.net <mailto:G.Duijzings@inter.NL.net>

*Cultural Identities in the Borderlands of the Balkans *

This paper deals with cultural and social identification and group 
formation in the borderlands of the Balkans, where the existing ethnic 
and religious lines of division have always been felt most accutely. Ger 
Duijzings will draw from his own research in areas such as Kosovo and 
(eastern) Bosnia , and he will demonstrate how processes of both 
convergence and divergence, fission and fusion, have been at work here. 
Furthermore, he will show that in borderlands (or "ethnic shatter 
zones") identities tend to be less fixed and more fluid, and that 
processes of cultural divergence and convergence are more salient here 
than elsewhere. One of the examples which will be used to illustrate 
these phenomena of shifting and multiple identities is the case of the 
Albanian crypto-Catholics. This case also shows that new principles of 
identification or "groupness" have emerged in the Balkans, and that 
there has been a general shift from religiously defined identities 
during the Ottoman period to ethnically defined "national" identities in 
the 20th century.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Roel Schuyt ( University of Amsterdam )
E-mail: roelschuyt@tiscali.nl <mailto:roelschuyt@tiscali.nl>

*Convergence and divergence in Balkan folk and local professional music.*

One of the first scholars to deal with the interaction between 
the Balkan languages was Kristian Sandfeld. Similar interactions, affecting 
larger or smaller areas, can be observed in other spheres of culture. They are 
due to contacts between neighboring or intermingled peoples or language groups, 
or to the influence of powerful cultural and political centers in the Roman, 
Byzantine and later Ottoman, Habsburg and Russian Empires and the Italian lands. 
As concerns music, the resulting common features can be described in terms of 
metres, modality, harmony, instruments, the use of vocal and instrumental 
techniques, and textual elements. 

With the gradual decline of the Ottoman Empire and the spread of 
Enlightenment and Romanticism to the various Balkan areas, there developed a 
trend towards an own identity and political, religious, linguistic and cultural 
autonomy or even independence. Within this framework belongs the production of 
dictionaries, grammars, textbooks and even alphabets of the various languages, 
and the collection of folklore in its manifold manifestations. An important 
ideological role in nationalism, both political and scholarly, was attributed to 
old memories which were recovered, reconstructed, or even newly invented. This 
resulted in competing claims on territory or cultural heritage. 

The tendency towards delimitation of national identity, in most Balkan 
countries for decades combined with Socialist nationalism, but 
simultaneously countered by reverse trends of unification and regional 
or even global openness, has remained actual until the present day. And 
it has so on different levels (from states to individuals) and in 
numerous fields. In this paper I want to discuss its consequences for 
what we generally call post-war 'Balkan music' - a term which already 
implies some sort of unification.

1. Many scholars, writers, composers, arrangers and players had to work 
in difficult circumstances, but tried to offer the best of the talents 
they had.

2. In the new, postwar Socialist states and some new Soviet republics, a 
number of State Folk Ensembles were formed, adapted to an existing 
Soviet model. They created a normative 'national folk culture', and had 
some image building value for export. One of their typical 
characteristics is the 'scaling up' of traditional ensembles to 
symphonic dimensions. Simultaneously, existing rural and urban 
traditions managed to survive in various degrees, and new ones 
developed, often seeking (or restoring?) contacts with neigbouring 
countries or the West. Western genres were adopted and imitated, and 
fusions between Balkan and Western music appeared.

3. Textual themes which fitted national conscience were placed on the 
foreground, newly composed pieces glorifying the national past, 
socialist society or national unity appeared. Similar developments took 
place in the new states of former Yugoslavia , where people have always 
been sensitive about the origin of tunes and the associations they bear.

4. Pre-existing musical instruments were adapted and claimed as 
national. In the 1870's, this happened in Hungary . More recent examples 
are found in Russia and postwar Bulgaria .

5. Ancient 'transnational' elements were claimed as purely national. In 
times of territorial tensions songs from beyond the disputed frontier 
were incorporated.

6. On a local scale, folklore - as any other form of culture - was 
firmly directed and controlled by 'culture houses'.

7. Research by foreigners was subjected to strict regulations, and in 
the 1970's Romania declared the music of the Transylvanian Hungarians a 
state secret, in order to avoid Hungarian revivalists stirring up 
national feelings. But the right contact could always create unexpected 
possibilities, as people tended to hover between conformism and 
hospitality.

8. In non-Communist Greece , the (uncontrollable) rebetiko tragoudi was 
dealt a severe blow when it was forbidden by the colonel regime of 
1967-1974. Singing in (Slavic) Macedonian often proved hazardous.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Alexandre Popovic (CNRS, Paris)
E-mail: nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr <mailto:nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr>

*La magie chez les populations balkaniques: convergences et divergences *

Travaillant depuis quelques ann�es dans le cadre de mon s�minaire de 
l'EHESS de Paris (� Histoire moderne et contemporaine des musulmans 
balkaniques �) sur la magie chez les musulmans des Balkans, j'ai eu 
l'occasion de regarder une tr�s importante documentation sur la magie en 
g�n�ral dans cette r�gion - concernant donc non seulement les 
populations musulmanes, mais �galement les populations catholiques et 
orthodoxes de la P�ninsule.

Parmi les premi�res constations qui ressortent de cet examen en cours, 
la principale est que la magie dans le monde musulman, et en particuler 
chez les musulmans balkaniques, montre une sophistication 
incomparablement plus grande que chez les chr�tiens. Elle repose sur une 
litt�rature � la fois ancienne et abondante et sur des pratiques tr�s 
vari�es et tr�s �labor�es, li�es notamment � des croyances dans la 
valeur num�rique des lettres et dans l'existence des djinns. Cependant, 
il existe des �l�ments similaires. Et il n'a jamais �t� rare de voir des 
fid�les d'une religion venir consulter des sp�cialistes d'une aure 
religion.

Dans la communication annonc�e, je voudrais aborder rapidement ces 
ph�nom�nes et essayer de pr�senter quelques remarques sur ces 
divergences et ces convergences, tant sur le plan des th�ories et 
syst�mes, que sur le plan du � mat�riel � et du rituel magique, � 
travers la documentation concernant les XIXe et XXe si�cles.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Georgios Plakotos ( University of Glasgow )
E-mail: gplakotos@hotmail.com <mailto:gplakotos@hotmail.com>

*Christian and Muslim Converts from the Balkans in Early Modern Venice : 
Patterns of Social and Cultural Mobility and Identities *

After the consolidation of the Ottoman Empire in sixteenth century, the 
Republic of Venice maintained strong commercial links to the Ottoman 
Balkans. Early modern Venice became a popular destination for 
individuals and groups, ranging from itinerant merchants to mercenaries 
from the Balkans. Throughout the same period, Venice witnessed the 
influx of individuals and families from the Balkans, of such diverse 
religious background, as Christian Orthodox, Muslim and Jewish, who 
reached Venice and, appearing before the tribunal of the Inquisition of 
the city or other ecclesiastical institutions, such as the House of 
Converts ( /Casa dei Catecumeni /), they asked to embrace Catholicism. 
Before arriving to Venice , those individuals' and groups' religious 
background had often been shaped by earlier voluntary or not 
conversions, mainly from Christianity to Islam. Before the Inquisition, 
those people provided accounts of their past and explained their motives 
for wishing to become Catholics.

Their narratives allow us to reconstruct the lives of that obscure group 
of people from the Balkans who during their lives moved from one 
religion to another. Through those narratives my paper explores the 
social and cultural identities of those individuals and groups. It 
illustrates that the cultural identities of those people, despite their 
diverse religious background, had been shaped by a notion of 
"convergence" that is demonstrated in the common patterns of crossing 
religious boundaries. The paper points out that in those conversions to 
Catholicism, certain groups figure prominently, which, despite their 
different religious background, in their decision to assume the Catholic 
identity were determined by their social position and profile. 
Additionally, the paper discusses how people from the Balkans, either 
Muslims or Christians, who stayed permanently or for short periods in 
the unfamiliar and often unfriendly environment of Venice, adopted a 
sense of "Balkan identity", either through close business association, 
marriage and wider networks, or in geographical patterns of residence 
that they developed in the city.

My paper is based on archival material drawn from the Venetian State and 
Patriarchal Archives.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Julia G. Krivoruchko ( University of Haifa )
E-mail: jkriv@research.haifa.ac.il <mailto:jkriv@research.haifa.ac.il>

*A Case of Divergent Convergence: The Cultural Identity of Romaniote Jewry *

The impact of Ancient Greek civilization and its successor, the 
Byzantine Empire , on Balkan Jewry is known to be both deeply 
penetrating and all-embracing. Its most important consequence for the 
later historical developments was the language shift, namely the 
transition of Balkan Jewish communities from the Aramaic/Greek or 
Hebrew/Greek diglossia to the Greek monolinguism. Even after the 9 th 
century, when Biblical Hebrew regained its status of main heritage 
language, the religious instruction was given in colloquial Greek, and 
Greek continued to be used in the liturgy.

During the pre-modern era the common language can be said to smooth over 
the religious difference, to certain degree. The Romaniotes were deeply 
influenced by the surrounding Greek Orthodox society, as they pursued 
rural occupations, owned domestic animals and enjoyed freedom of 
dwelling inside the towns. Almost in all the spheres of their everyday 
life (seasonal festivals, family celebrations, marriage rites, legal 
practices, etc.) they became profoundly assimilated. The Greek folklore 
provided the basic building elements for various forms of the Romaniote 
creative writing, including the poems written in Hebrew. The liturgical 
music of Romaniotes was recognized as Balkan-inspired by its 
investigators A. Shiloah and L. Levi. The affect of the mainstream Greek 
culture on the elite Romaniote learning of the late Byzantine period was 
noticed by S. Bowman, Z. Ankori and others.

However, many of the abovementioned phenomena were mistakenly described 
as "Christian influences", while they should be called, after S. Vryonis 
, "religious balkanisms" or rather "cultural balkanisms". Widespread 
throughout the peninsula, they were not limited neither to Greek nor to 
Orthodox population.

Modern era was not particularly favorable for the development of 
Romaniote identity, as the options for divergence became extremely 
limited. In the new Greek national state the Romaniotes had equal rights 
with the rest of population and were rapidly integrated into new 
networks. Yet the Romaniote Jews could not claim any form of political 
or administrative autonomy, as they were few. They could not develop 
separate linguistic identity since the image of their sociolect (like 
that of other Greek dialects) was purely negative. The current 
sociolinguistic situation encouraged them to cultivate Standard Greek 
[see e.g., the poetry of Yosef Eliya]. As a result, no literary form of 
Judeo-Greek has ever been created. A divergence was still possible in 
the realm of religion, but the latter was dominated by the /Sefaradim /, 
the Spanish-speaking newcomers - and thus not sufficiently Romaniote. 
Besides, Judaism was rapidly loosing its importance in the modern world, 
so that the Romaniotes influenced by European /haskala /voted for 
learning French rather than Hebrew.

Toward the middle of the 20 th century, the unique Romaniote identity 
has been largely replaced by the more encompassing identity of Greek Jewry.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Historical approaches (1)

Morning session, Saturday December 13
(Chair: Ingrid Merchiers)

Paschalis Kitromilides (KNE, Athens )
E-mail: kne@eie.gr <mailto:kne@eie.gr>

*Failures of Liberty in the Balkans*

In considering convergences and divergences in the history of the 
Balkans we tend to think of shared cultural, religious and historical 
experiences in the past and of conflicts in the present. We might 
attempt, nevertheless, to look at the defining characteristics of Balkan 
historical experience at other levels of analysis as well. One such 
level of analysis would involve a comparative approach, looking for and 
appraising the evolution over time of the ideological traditions of 
modernity in Balkan societies, as part of their project to define their 
national personality. The embattled story of Liberalism in the Balkans 
offers a case in point, illustrating through its achievements but 
primarily through its failures many of the endemic substantive problems 
of Balkan politics.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Nathalie Clayer (CNRS, Paris)
E-mail: nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr <mailto:nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr>

*Convergences et divergences dans le nationalisme � travers l'exemple 
albanais *

Dans cette communication, il s'agira de reconsid�rer l'id�e selon 
laquelle les convergences concernent principalement la culture 
populaire, tandis que les divergences sont davantage situ�es au niveau 
de la � Hochkultur � et des constructions id�ologiques, en particulier 
des constructions identitaires nationales.

A travers l'exemple du nationalisme albanais, je voudrais en effet 
montrer d'abord comment, dans les processus de construction d'identit� 
nationale, les divergences ne concernent pas seulement la 
� fabrication � des alt�rit�s avec d'autres groupes ethnico-nationaux, 
mais qu'elles se trouvent aussi dans les diff�rentes fa�ons de 
construire l'identit� nationale � partir d'autres types d'identit� 
pr�-existantes.

Dans un second temps, je voudrais �galement montrer que ces processus de 
construction identitaire r�sultent de convergences. D'une part 
l'ing�ni�rie de ces promoteurs fait appel � des outils emprunt�s aux 
promoteurs d'autres identit�s nationales. D'autre part, il a exist� et 
il existe des constructions hybrides, qui ont tendu � combiner 
diff�rentes identit�s ethnico-nationales, mais qui sont souvent moins 
rep�rables, du fait d'un courant divergent dominant, et moins durables. 
Pour donner un exemple, l'albanisme s'est d'abord d�velopp� en grande 
partie au sein m�me de l'hell�nisme.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Basil Gounaris ( Aristotle University , Thessaloniki )
E-mail: bcgounar@auth.gr <mailto:bcgounar@auth.gr>

*Constructing and Deconstructing a Common Balkan Past in Nineteenth 
Century Greece *

The making of modern Greek national ideology and tradition was certainly 
part of the 'divergence process' in the Balkans. Greeks gained their 
independence and built their modern state on the arguments and grounds 
of Hellenic antiquity, which secured for them a golden age in the past 
and a distinctive culture in the future. However their ancient cultural 
glory and distinctiveness contradicted their participation in the Balkan 
cultural commonwealth. By doing so it certainly negated Greek 
irredentism and even undermined the prospects for co-operation. Was it 
possible to retain the Balkan entity without renouncing the Hellenic 
past? Some Greeks thought it was, through the vision of an Eastern 
Federation (or at least through bilateral co-operations) based on 
assumed ethnic kinship, Orthodoxy and anti-Turkism. However their vision 
gradually came into sharp contrast with the formation of other Balkan 
nations.

Through a variety of literary sources (which include political 
brochures, caricatures, magazines and newspapers) this paper examines 
how nineteenth century Greeks saw, commented, and interpreted this 
'incomprehensible' process from the 1830s until the days of the Balkan 
Wars. For many reasons divergence from what was regarded as a common 
past was indeed an ideological drama. Firstly it involved the rise of 
independent nations which did not satisfy the Greek criteria and did not 
fit in the Greek view of Balkan 'national geneology'. Furthermore it 
implied conflict of political interests, the rise of anti-hellenism in 
varying degrees, a fierce Balkan counter-offensive on disputed ethnic 
grounds, the disappearance of the Greek language from the Balkan urban 
centres and, the worst, the rapid assimilation of Greece 's Balkan 
Diaspora, a capital overestimated before the 1850s.

The overall argument is that, although the making of the Balkan 'other' 
was clearly nothing more than a reflection of the making of the Greek 
'self', Greeks failed to evaluate and explain the negation of a common 
past without invoking dubious conspiratorial theories and historical 
argument. Through such arguments resentment became traditional, the 
quest for a common past undesirable and, in the end, divergence 
absolutely natural.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Boyko Penchev ( University of Sofia )
E-mail: litvestnik@yahoo.com <mailto:litvestnik@yahoo.com>

*Tsarigrad/Istanbul and the Spatial Construction of Bulgarian National 
Identity in the 60s and 70s of the XIX Century *

The paper explores the spatial discourses, participating in the 
construction of Bulgarian national identity in the third quarter of XIX 
century. The starting assumption was that building up of a nation 
identity entails re-working of the local, place-bound identities and 
successful "merging" of the lived spatial experience with the abstract 
homogeneous "territory" of the nation, symbolically represented as the 
common "homeland". In this respect the representations of 
Tsarigrad/Istanbul in the Bulgarian public space of the XIX century 
seems to be promising field of research. The specific "extraterritorial" 
position of Tsarigrad in regard with the imaginary and non-imaginary 
Bulgarian borders, combined with the presence of a large Bulgarian 
community in the Ottoman capital made it a center of different 
"mappings" and identification strategies. Tsarigrad (literally "The City 
of the Kings") could be regarded as a spatial node, generating different 
political projects which undermine the nationalistic ideological vision. **

In the 60's and the 70's Tsarigrad has been employed as a repository of 
images for the negative construction of collective identity. Negative 
exactly as in the photography. Tsarigrad has been forced to participate 
in the formation of a normative standard what the Bulgarian(s) should 
be. In the satiric writings of Hristo Botev and Lubn Karavelov Tsarigrad 
was presented as a center of very strange map - a map of "dark places", 
signifiing deviation and sexual pervertnes. The crucial feature of these 
places - and the harem as most important and frequently used at the time 
- was their presumed resistance to the gaze of the normative public 
discourse. Everything that is happening "secretly" cannot be legitimized 
- as far the modern legitimization of power is funded in the public 
opinion. Thus the /harem /becomes the emblematic counterpart of the 
patriarchal Home. The imagery of lewdness makes the moral decay and the 
system of power inseparable. The map of lewdness connects in a menacing 
network all the "dark places" of sexual excess and perverted deeds. This 
map consists not only of harems and coffeehouses, but of monasteries, 
brothels (brought to life with the progress of the railroads) and even 
factories. By representing both the administration and the social 
progress in terms of sexual perversion, Botev and Karavelov were trying 
by all means to mock and discredit the idea of the possible cohabitation 
between the Bulgarians and the other ethnic groups of the Ottoman Empire 
, especially the Turks. Tsarigrad was "the world upside down", as an 
un-homely place it was opposed to the "true Homeland", represented by 
figures like "fatherly fireside" etc. There should be no "mixing| and 
contersecting between the imaginary territories and the supposed ethnic 
identities - it was the crucial claim of the nationalistic discourse.

There were alternative political projects however, born within the 
context of the struggle for eclesiastical independence, which took 
Tsarigad as their symbolic and institutional center. For example, the so 
called "Turkophiles" were convinced liberals, proposing totally 
different map, envisioning the Bulgarians as an integral part of the 
modernized Turkey . The institutional practice of the Bulgarian 
Exarchate (the independent eclesiastical body, established after the 
Sultan's Firman in 1870) provided another spatial model, differing from 
that of the newly established Bulgarian state. Tsarigrad wasn't only the 
opposite of the "tru Bulgarian-ness" - it was seriosly concidered as the 
political and symbolical center of the Bulgarian nation. After the 
Russian-Turkish war in 1877-78 and the establishment of the Bulgarian 
Principality however, these political and cultural projects proved to be 
in very compromised position.

To put it shortly, the representations of Tsarigrad took active part in 
the construction of the homogeneous national space and rigidly defined 
cultural identity. It generated, however, alternative discourses as 
well, which deconstruct the normative ideological vision of "pure" 
Bulgarian territory and identity.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Nada Alaica ( Oxford University )
E-mail: nadaalaica@yahoo.com <mailto:nadaalaica@yahoo.com>

*A Mixing of Cultural Identities: The Croatian Borderlands in the 19th 
Century *

The question of how cultural identity has developed in the Balkans is 
perhaps most intriguing in those areas where peoples lived together in 
mixed communities before the advent of nationalism. My research into the 
Croatian part of the Habsburg Military Frontier, where Serb and Croat 
peasants lived side by side for centuries, exemplifies how such mixing 
made for ambiguous notions of cultural identity. While a few aspects of 
life in the Military Frontier reveal similarities with other peasants in 
the Balkan lands, it was far more common that the notion of cultural 
identity was extremely localized. In my paper, I intend to present one 
aspect of my research and share my findings concerning customs among 
Serb and Croat peasants in the nineteenth century.

This research reveals that by sharing many of the same experiences and 
interacting on a daily basis, some Serb and Croat traditions seem to 
have changed in response to their new environment on the Military 
Border, converged and thus increasingly resembled each another. For 
instance, a similar oral tradition in which rather prosaic themes 
dominated was certainly held in common, but many songs also paid tribute 
to the shared military heroics of both Serb and Croat peasants against 
Ottoman domination. Some of this oral literature was also widely shared 
among peasants throughout the Balkans. Forms of entertainment, such as 
marriage and dances varied in detail from one village to the next but 
also display general patterns common to other rural peoples. Rituals 
connected to agricultural pursuits also reveal traditions that were 
shared not only with one another but with rural folk throughout the 
wider Balkan region. Dress is especially interesting for it reveals the 
significance of geography, gender and social class in determining a 
people's choice of apparel. Choice of dress reveals how problematic it 
is to impose any generalizations on the nature of similarities or 
differences in customs.

The reality of rural life was extremely diverse and a number of 
competing factors shaped Serb and Croat customs. Any attempt to 
determine whether these customs fit the pattern of convergence or 
divergence is consequently fraught with difficulties. While folk customs 
were certainly non-national in the nineteenth century Military Frontier, 
it is also erroneous to suggest that 'convergence' characterises these 
customs. More often than not, cultural identity was a reflection of the 
peasant's specific rural milieu. An empirical analysis of that milieu 
reveals that for the nineteenth century peasant in the Croatian Military 
Frontier, cultural identity was above all localised - in other words a 
marker of one's place of origin.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Magdalena Elchinova (New Bulgarian University , Sofia )
E-mail: magi_el@hotmail.com <mailto:magi_el@hotmail.com>

*Alien by Default: The Identity of the Turks of Bulgaria at Home and in 
Immigration *

By the end of 1984 the communist authorities in Bulgaria launched an 
assimilation campaign against the Turkish minority in the country, aimed 
at the overt change of their identity and their ultimate Bulgarisation. 
This campaign, known as the 'Revival process', lasted until the autumn 
of 1989 and was admittedly considered among the major reasons for the 
fall of the communist government in the country. The last months of this 
assimilation policy were marked by mass migration of Turkish families 
from Bulgaria to Turkey - within three months from June through 
September 1989 over 350 000 Turks left Bulgaria, and more than half of 
these returned to their homeplaces by the end of the same year. In the 
early 1990s this migration continued on a limited scale, resulting in 
the formation of a considerable community of new immigrants from 
Bulgaria in Turkey .

This paper discusses how the identities of Bulgaria born Turks are 
shaped and reshaped in critical situations and under the impact of 
certain official politics of identity. This is viewed at a local level 
and from within the group of interest - the Turks of Bulgaria. How are 
their shared images and identity strategies constructed in everyday 
culture? What is the role of language, kinship, religion and local 
affiliation in their identity constructions? How do Bulgarian born Turks 
cope with their position of being always 'Others' - both in their 
country of birth and in the country of immigration? What are the 
shifting meanings of 'Turkish-ness'?

These questions are commented in the paper on the basis of fieldwork 
observations and interviews carried out in certain local communities in 
Northeastern and Southeastern Bulgaria , as well as in the city of Izmir 
in Turkey . Two types of strategies of identification and cultural 
adaptation are compared - of Bulgaria 's Turks who returned and/or 
stayed in their country of birth, and of others who permanently settled 
down in the Republic of Turkey . It is clear in both cases that 
ethnicity is rather insignificant in ingroup identity constructions. 
Other components, such as kinship, gender, religious and local 
affiliations, varying in significance with regard to the particular 
context, determine their position in local and official social 
categorisations. Ethnicity is as a rule introduced and enhanced in 
everyday discourses by means of official nationalist rhetorics. The case 
of the Turks of Bulgaria also demonstrates the flexibility of identity 
and reveals how the concept of '! pure' identities, sustained both in 
official and popular culture, is challenged and denied in actual 
intergroup contacts.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

    *Historical approaches (2) *

Afternoon session, Saturday December 13
(Chair: Lara Sels)

Bernard Lory (INALCO, Paris)

*The Bulgarian-Macedonian Divergence: Why Does It Look So Complicated? *

*La divergence bulgaro-mac�donienne: d�nouer le noud gordien? *

La notion de divergence est particuli�rement op�ratoire pour rendre 
compte des relations bulgaro-mac�doniennes. D'abord parce qu'elle 
neutralise les deux approches essentialistes: les Bulgares et les 
Mac�doniens seraient, par essence, un seul et m�me peuple (Sofia); les 
Mac�doniens seraient, par essence, diff�rents des Bulgares (Skopje). 
D'autre part, la divergence se d�finit comme un processus, donc elle 
s'inscrit dans la dur�e historique.

La divergence bulgaro-mac�donienne devient un fait av�r� en 1944-45, 
mais ce rep�re chronologique ne repr�sente ni le d�but, ni 
l'aboutissement du processus: c'est juste la ligne de flottaison de 
l'iceberg. Le processus de divergence se poursuit encore de nos jours.

La question de la p�riodisation, et particuli�rement celle de 
l'apparition des premiers indices significatifs, pose un probl�me tr�s 
int�ressant pour les historiens. Les principaux jalons chronologiques 
sont: les ann�es 60 du XIXe si�cle, 1878, 1893, 1903, 1913, 1918, 1944, 
1991. L'importance de ces jalons pour la partie mac�donienne et la 
partie bulgare respectivement reste � discuter. En effet, les deux 
parties ne se meuvent pas dans la m�me temporalit�.

Une autre question passionnante pour le chercheur est celle de savoir si 
la divergence est le produit de contradictions internes ou le r�sultat 
de d�cisions ext�rieures, internationales.

Mais l'aspect le plus fascinant est l'impressionant argumentaire 
d�velopp� de part et d'autre, sinon pour nier, du moins pour camoufler 
la divergence bulgaro-mac�donienne. Plus que les arguments fournis dans 
ce d�bat (ce dialogue de sourds), nous essayerons de montrer ici la 
place des non-dits dans les deux discours.

En conclusion, on tentera de montrer les �l�ments d'�volution indiquant 
r�cemment le rejet de l'approche essentialiste et la prise en compte de 
la notion de divergence.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Robert Stallaerts (CZES, Ghent )
E-mail: robert.stallaerts@skynet.be <mailto:robert.stallaerts@skynet.be>

*Shifting Images of Society in Bosnian Fiction *

In his book "Making a nation, breaking a nation", Andrew Baruch Wachtel 
analyses the role of literature and cultural politics in the 
disintegration of Yugoslavia . He discusses four major aspects of the 
attempts at cultural national nation building, namely (1) linguistic 
policies that functioned to create a shared national language or at 
least a unified Serbo-Croatian language (2) the promulgation of a 
Yugoslav literary and artistic canon (3) educational policy, 
particularly relating to the teaching of literature and history in 
schools and (4) the production of new artistic works that incorporated a 
Yugoslav view variously defined.

In this paper we both narrow and extend the scope of Wachtel's project. 
On the one hand, we focus on the fourth component of his study, and 
moreover we limit ourselves to literature produced in 
Bosnia-Hercegovina. On the other side we broaden the analysis to the 
literary production in most recent years. In order words, we will 
concentrate on the view of society in recent after war literary 
production. So along with a short reconsideration of the work of Ivo 
Andric, Mesa Selimovic and Vojislav Lubarda, we will discuss mainly the 
work of authors such as the novel writers Zilhad Klucanin, Asmir 
Kujovic, the poets Marko Vesovic, Abdullah Sidran and Mile Stojic, and 
the playwrights Almir Imsirevic and Alija Isakovic.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Zoran Terzic ( University of Wuppertal )
E-mail: zterzic@yahoo.com <mailto:zterzic@yahoo.com>

*Art from Somewhere Else - The Fuzzy Logic of Yugoslav Cultural 
Identities in the Light of War, Art and Literature *

1) "Ethic" identity and ethnic identity

The modern civilian concept of identity originates from the jurisdiction 
of the Roman emperor Justinian. Identity meant simply a juridical 
reference to a concrete person in accordance with state law. Unlike 
contemporary notions of cultural identity "civilian" identity did not 
discriminate persons on the basis of "cultural", religious or ethnic 
origin - rather the opposite: identity necessarily referred to every 
juridical subject equally.

Nowadays, when for example someone says, that he has a German passport, 
but - as he was born and educated in Italy - , he "feels" or he is 
"truly" Italian by heart, we encounter these two concepts of identity on 
a contemporary level.

We do not consider our identification document to represent our "real" 
being, instead we refer to personal experience or irrational 
justifications to explain /what /we "really" are, how we "really" feel. 
However, analogous to passports these "feelings" are nothing but 
symbolical representations of identity. In this regard we subscribe more 
authority to "inner" representation than to "outer" representation, and 
we refuse to believe that our feelings or our reasoning may be as 
trivial or arbitrary as identification cards.

Our modern passports and IDs represent precisely the Justinian concept 
of identity (- in the sense of /identification /-) whereas our post-19th 
century imaginings of cultural identity include essentialist and 
contrafactual longings (cultural "origin", heritage, rassism, 
chauvinism, historical fatalism, myths, sociobiological constructs, 
etc.) that we subscribe to societies as well as to individuals.

A third concept of identity that is of relevance in this context relates 
to the artistic dealing-with or anthropological observation of cultural 
patterns (behaviour, fashion, folklore, aesthetics, communication, 
etc.), which we in accordance with Gregory Bateson could call "ethic 
identity" (- not eth _n _ic). [1] 
<http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#_ftn1>This concept of ethic 
identity has its roots in the universalist era of Enlightment and 
defines the borders of identity neither in the juridical nor 
geographical nor cultural (contrafactual) sense, but in the sense of 
"daily life", that is in the sense of how people organize a society, how 
they communicate, how they manage to make a living, solve problems, etc.

*fig.* _left: _Slobodan Milosevic during his speech commemorating the 
Battle of Kosovo on June 28th 1989
_right _"Podium, 2000", German artist Thomas Demand rebuilt Milosevic's 
platform thus trying to extract the "aura" of the fateful anniversary.

2) The Yugoslav disintegration is a very good example to illustrate on 
one hand a failed concept of "civilian" identity, and on the other hand 
the rise of divergent cultural identities, i.e. the rise of exclusive, 
mythical, irrational longings and concepts.

The process of cultural differentiation began in some areas of 
"Hochkultur" (cultural policies, language issues, novels) from the mid 
60's on.

Beside a "Yugoslav reality" a "national reality" existed that has 
permanently been perpetuated by parts of the cultural elite which tried 
to challenge the meaning and the national "logic" of Yugoslavia .

On the other hand, one could observe unifying tendencies and activities 
in the area of popular culture (e.g. up to date one speaks of "Yugorock" 
whereas there exists no topoi "Yugoliterature" in the analogue sense) 
and official cultural policy.

3) In my proposal I want to display several phenomena of convergence 
respectively divergence that have to be seen in the context of the 
Yugoslav disintegration. Of particular interest are:

a) The "Istocnici" discourse as ideological tool on one hand and as a 
proposition for a Balkan identity on the other.

*fig. *"One small country of indomitable Serbs". The "fun" postcard 
during the NATO war against FR Yugoslavia in 1999 mirrors also aspects 
of cultural policy.

*fig. *Retro-avantgarde: Milic od Macve's account of the NATO 
bombardment in 1999 in religious icon-style. In this image two 
completely different cultural concepts collide.

The word "Istocnici" ("Genuine people from the East") refers initially 
to the originality of Eastern "culture", and was used by some authors 
(e.g. D. Ugresic) to define the origin of their production beyond 
national affirmations. On the other hand, in Serbia the concept was used 
as a means to propagate national ideology by deliberately distancing 
oneself from Western cultural agendas. In 1994 nationalist hardliner 
Dragos Kalajic organized the exhibition "Istocnici" in the Belgrade 
Museum of Modern Art as an attempt to display the rural, heroic 
premodern aspects that - in his eyes - made up Serbian culture.

A non-explicite Istocnici discourse, however, can be traced back to the 
70's and 80's in the field of literature (e.g. war novels).

b) "Yugonostalgia" as a virtual remains of a pop-cultural or - if you 
will - "ethic" identity beyond national borders.

I shall discuss four forms of current "Yugonostalgia":

1. revisionism - vague longing for socio-political unification
2. escapism - distraction from current hardship, longing for "better times"
3. active nihilism - artistic non-position, "Yu-Mythology" (e.g. 
www.juga.com)
4. aestheticism - lifestyle, Yu-Iconography (e.g. www.titoville.com)

***fig. *One can apply for membership in "Cyberyugoslavia" at www.juga.com

c) /Homo Balkanicus /- The "Barbarian Network"

In 1992 former PRAXIS philosopher Miladin Zivotic coined the term /homo 
balkanicus /in an attempt to describe a certain mentality among many 
former Yugoslav cultural activists and intellectuals that had fallen for 
the nationalist idea.

/Homo balkanicus /is nothing but a synonym for the modern barbarian: a 
semantic figure that expresses the revolting, uncompromising, and 
radical side in our Eastern and Western societies. This chapter will 
investigate the role of cultural protagonists in the scope of identity 
debates.

*fig. *"Artists to weapons!" Poster by Vlado Martek at the exhibition 
"For the Defense and Renewal of Croatia", Zagreb 19

The question is whether the outlined phenomena will condense to distinct 
cultural concepts or figures or whether they will vanish in the near 
future.

I cannot give definite answers, of course. What I hope is to contribute 
some aspects to the complex discussion on "Cultural identity in the 
Balkans" from an art-theoretical and phenomenological point of view.

[1] <http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#_ftnref1>The German 
philosopher Martin Heidegger translates gr. "ethos" allegorically as 
"place". The eidetic (wesensm�ssig) place of a communiy defines its 
identity and defines the individual.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Galia Lazarova Dimitrova (St. Kliment Ohridski University, Sofia)
E-mail: galialazar@yahoo.com <mailto:galialazar@yahoo.com>

La red�finition de l'identit� nationale bulgare: Le r�le des images 
m�diatiques

La Bulgarie postcommuniste a pris le chemin pour son adh�sion � l'Union 
europ�enne et � l'OTAN. Dans les ann�es 1990, le pays s'est impos� comme 
un ��le� de la paix et de la stabilit� dans les Balkans. La politique 
ethnonationaliste de l'ex-r�gime, dont l'expression fulgurante a �t� le 
�processus renaissant� (1984-1989), c'est-�-dire l'assimilation forc�e 
des Turcs et, en g�n�ral, des Musulmans bulgares, a �t� rejet�e. 
Aujourd'hui la politique officielle est d'int�gration des minorit�s � la 
soci�t� bulgare. Suite aux �lections l�gislatives de 2001 le Mouvement 
pour des droits et libert�s (MDL), dont la base �lectorale est form�e 
surtout des Turcs bulgares, fait partie du gouvernement. La plupart des 
partis politiques tiennent des discours en faveur de l'int�gration des 
minorit�s, pour l'expression libre des diff�rences culturelles dont la 
cohabitation serait un atout pour l'int�gration europ�enne de la 
Bulgarie. Marginalis� sur le champ politique, l'ethnonationalisme 
r�appara�t pourtant dans le discours journalistique.

Nous discernons dans la presse nationale contemporaine deux types de 
discours sur l'identit� nationale. L'un est ethnonationaliste, l'autre - 
int�grationniste. L'un construit la bulgarit� comme une identit� 
ethnique, l'autre - comme une identit� nationale. L'un cherche � d�finir 
les �vrais� Bulgares, la majorit�, de laquelle d�limite les minorit�s. 
L'autre parle des citoyens bulgares malgr� leurs diff�rences 
culturelles. Les images des Turcs et des Roms bulgares, les deux plus 
grandes minorit�s dans le pays, incarnent l'alt�rit� culturelle 
pr�suppos�e dans l'espace nationale.

Le discours ethnonationaliste narre la conqu�te inachev�e de la Bulgarie 
par les Turcs ottomans. Dans les ann�es 1990, le danger �tait un 
�ventuel s�paratisme de la population turque, aujourd'hui c'est le MDL 
qui v�hiculerait �les int�r�ts n�ocoloniaux d'Ankara� en Bulgarie. Ce 
discours est cod� par la m�moire collective de martyr des cinq cent ans 
de joug ottoman du pays. Il rejet l'image des Turcs bulgares - victimes 
de l'ex-r�gime, leur image concurrente dans la presse, et d�nonce la 
monopolisation du �mod�le ethnique bulgare� de la part du MDL au 
d�triment de la majorit� et des autres minorit�s. L'�lite politique 
turque est repr�sent�e soit comme le garant soit comme le danger pour la 
paix en Bulgarie.

Les m�mes strat�gies de victimisation et de culpabilisation r�gissent la 
repr�sentation ambigu� des Roms bulgares. Leur image des �dangereux� 
appara�t � cot� de celle des �Turcs - conqu�rants� � la fin des ann�es 
1990. Au d�but le �Rom criminel�, apr�s la �Foule d�socialis�e� est ce 
qui fait peur � la majorit�. Ils sont souvent repr�sent�s comme le 
visage non authentique de la Bulgarie qui va �nous� d�shonorer et 
emp�cher �notre� int�gration europ�enne. L'image des Roms en tant que 
les perdants de la transition est rejet�e. A l'image �des discrimin�s� 
s'oppose une contre-image: celle des �privil�gi�s�, gagnants de leur 
pauvret�. Ce serait la minorit� qui profiterait des aides sociales, du 
�droit d'extorsion contre l'Etat�, des moyens financiers de l'�tranger, 
etc. L'effet de ce type de discours est la superposition de deux 
fronti�res entre la minorit� et la majorit� - sociale et ethnique. C'est 
le faux, le mauvais pauvre, le Rom, qui est oppos� � la �population 
bulgare� laborieuse. Les autres effets sont l'ethnicisation des 
probl�mes socio-�conomiques et le renversement des rapports 
majorit�/minorit�: majorit� discrimin�e - minorit� privil�gi�e serait la 
vraie relation.

Dans les deux cas, des Turcs et des Roms bulgares, il est int�ressant de 
voir la construction de leur identit�/alt�rit� par rapport � la 
majorit�, les m�canismes dont cette construction proc�de, les 
hybridations du discours journalistique, ainsi que les glissements du 
discours ethnonationaliste vers des discours eurosceptique, 
anti-europ�en, anti-globaliste.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Nadia Capuzzo ( University of Geneva )
E-mail: nadia.capuzzo@socio.unige.ch <mailto:nadia.capuzzo@socio.unige.ch>

*Multiculturality vs. Cultural Homogenization: The Status of Landmarks 
in the Reconstruction of Sarajevo *

The theme of my paper will deal with the changes sustained by local 
imaginary-urban identity caused by the siege of Sarajevo ( Bosnia & 
Herzegovina ) and the problematic of urban reconstruction of the city. 
The articulation between space, memory and identity is therefore central 
as the process of identification and of identity-building are based on 
multiple elements going from the familiar environment to expressive 
forms such as the language and the religion including space and memory.

Cities in Bosnia & Herzegovina , particularly Sarajevo , are/were the 
symbol of a common history, of the blending of cultures and religions 
(Convergence). These elements influenced the architectural and urban 
development through history in this region. When the siege of Sarajevo 
began (April 1992) the city became a target as a figure of the cultural 
identity, starting with the historical and religious monument (Divergence).

The kind of destruction undergone by Sarajevo during the siege orients 
the reflection on its reconstruction. In fact, reconstruction does not 
have to be understood solely as the act of construction of what has been 
demolished. The stake of reconstruction in this case is the restoration 
of the pre-war appearance of Sarajevo in order that residents regain 
possession of the image of their city. The need to restore the pre-war 
image of a war torn city is existential and does not imply the negation 
of what has happened. In this sense, destruction can be seen as tokens 
of the recent history since destroyed buildings, as well, belong to the 
urban topography of the city.

The transformation of the urban social fabric of Sarajevo has a 
consequence on the status of landmarks. By this term, we refer to 
buildings and monuments with a symbolic meaning for the inhabitant. 
These prove to be the support of the local identity, that is to say, the 
one of citizens living in cities. The symbolic meaning carried out by 
these structures participates of the collective memory of a community. 
Thus, since the beginning of the siege, we notice that some buildings, 
identified by assailants as landmarks of the culture to annihilate, have 
been deliberately taken for target. It is the case, for example of the 
National and University Library, known under the name of Vijecnica, 
former municipality of Sarajevo under the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The destruction of landmarks put in evidence in a symptomatic manner the 
problematic of identity linked to reconstruction. Will the urban 
cultural identity of the inhabitants of Sarajevo undergo changes due to 
the partial destruction of landmarks or the transformation of the social 
urban fabric? Will the new nationalist iconography favouring national 
styles, symbols and expressions be materialised or a new iconography 
will be revealed? These interrogations reveal the current complex 
situation of the Bosnian identity, and particularly of the Sarajevan 
identity, divided between multiculturality and cultural homogenization.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Andreas Hemming ( Karl Franzens University , Graz )
E-mail: hemming@eth.mpg.de <mailto:hemming@eth.mpg.de>

*Albania and the EU: How State Ambitions Have Become Part of National 
Identity *

The Balkans are converging again, on the European Union. If the 
disparate countries of the Balkans have anything in common then it is 
their ambition to join the EU, rather sooner than later. And the public 
discourse on the EU has emerged to become an essential part of the local 
discourse. This paper will discuss how for the case of Albania the EU 
has become part of that local discourse, what it represents for the 
people and how they perceive themselves in the European mirror.

Albania finds it self in a unique position in this respect. On the one 
hand the people have emerged and are emerging still from an extremely 
isolated political situation where the understanding of the self was 
always constructed against a hostile other on all sides. The 
postsocialist transition has required a complete rethinking of the other 
and the self. On the other hand, Albania is in a geographically unique 
situation compared to most other postsocialist nations, only 60 km away 
from the Italian "heart" of the EU across the Adriatic and sharing a 
very permeable common border with Greece .

Many Albanians (a third of adult males, for example) have "EU 
experience", having worked, both legally and illegally, in the above 
mentioned Greece or Italy or elsewhere in the EU. Those experiences have 
become an essential part of their identity, in how they are perceived at 
home and how the local population perceives itself. "EU experience" has 
become an essential part of what it means to be Albanian.

This paper will discuss which (real and imagined) elements of the "EU" 
have become a part of Albanian identity and self-perception, what these 
images represent for the Albanian population and what developments they 
may be heralding for the future.

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<h1><strong>Abstracts of papers for the International Conference on </strong><strong>Developing
Cultural Identity in the Balkans: Convergence vs. Divergence </strong></h1>
<p align="center">at Ghent University , December 12-13, 2003 </p>
<ul>
  <li><u><a href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#1">Linguistic
approaches</a></u> </li>
  <li><u><a href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#2">Anthropological
approaches</a></u> </li>
  <li><u><a href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#3">Historical
approaches (1)</a></u> </li>
  <li><u><a href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#4">Historical
approaches (2) </a></u></li>
</ul>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="100%">
<h2><a name="1"></a>Linguistic approaches </h2>
<p>Morning session, Friday December 12<br>
(Chair: Pieter Plas) </p>
<p>Victor A. Friedman ( University of Chicago )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:vfriedm@midway.uchicago.edu">vfriedm@midway.uchicago.edu
</a><br>
</p>
<p align="center" class="link"><strong>Turkisms, Balkan Identity, and
Balkan Linguistic Ideologies </strong></p>
<p><br>
Although the concept of substratum influence was crucial in the initial
theorizing of the Balkan linguistic league, and morpho-syntactic
convergence is taken by linguists today as the chief defining factor,
it is arguable that the shared lexical component which entered the
Balkan languages from or via Turkish is a more salient unifying factor
in terms of the way ordinary people think about language.&nbsp;At the same
time, the status of Turkisms has risen and fallen and risen again in
response to external events.&nbsp;I shall examine the symbolic deployment of
Turkisms as signs in various types of identity formation and in
linguistic ideologies, i.e. in the ideas that people have about
language and language use.&nbsp;I shall show that Turkish continues to be a
site for the exercise of lexical and symbolic power and contestation in
the Balkans even ninety years after Turkey in Europe was reduced to the
territory of eastern Thrace, but the symbolism changes according to a
number of variables.The object of puristic movements during
nation-state formation (even in Turkey itself, since many of these
words were of Arabo-Persian origin), this same vocabulary was used to
signify democracy in post '89 ex-communist Balkan countries.&nbsp; Among the
exceptions to this trend are former Serbo-Croatian-speaking Yugoslavia,
where Turkisms became entangled in the Wars of Succession, and the
newly emerging Aromanian and Romani standard languages, where Turkisms
have become symbolic capital not in anti-establishmentarianism but in
its opposite, namely, the&nbsp; construction of an establishment. There is
also the question of the interface between Turkish and the
Christian/Muslim divide, which is not a matter of simple one-on-one
mapping.&nbsp; Furthermore, despite the usual emphasis on Turkisms as a
shared component in the Balkan linguistic league, there are also
important divergences in he selection of Turkish vocabulary in the
individual languages.&nbsp;Thus, for example, an examination of the best
dictionaries of Turkisms in Serbo-Croatian and Bulgarian shows that
over a third of the Turkish vocabulary in one language is not shared
with the other.&nbsp;Finally, I shall also discuss how ideology affects
scholarship on Turkisms. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Christian Voss ( Freiburg University )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:christian.voss@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de">christian.voss@geschichte.uni-freiburg.de
</a></p>
<p><strong>Linguistic Divergence and (Re)Convergence in the Macedonian
Standard/Dialect-Continuum </strong></p>
<p>This paper compares the linguistic development in Vardar- and Aegean
Macedonia diachronically by using the model of divergence and
(re)convergence: The historical region of Macedonia after 1913 was
divided by culturally highly ambiguous political borders which tended
to create new linguistic borders, when Serbian (in Vardar-Macedonia)
and Greek (in Aegean Macedonia) became the umbrella languages for the
local vernaculars. This asymmetry was aggravated by the most important
step of Macedonian <em>nation building </em>after 1944, the
implementation of the Macedonian standard language, which only by means
of the Communist partisan press spilled over into Greece during the
Greek Civil War. </p>
<p>After 1989 we observe osmotic interrelations between the two
existing Macedonian identity models, the national Tito-Yugoslav and the
local one of the Slavic-speaking minority in Greece (where
Macedonianness is a synonym of indigenity). </p>
<p>The crucial point is to work out the mechanisms (language, symbols,
politics of memory) of the Macedonian cross-border cohesion which in
the last 10 years has led to a slow and partial ethnicisation and even
nationalisation of Greece 's Slavic minority towards the Republic of
Macedonia , especially in the centre of the "ethnic revival", i.e. the
border region of Florina. </p>
<p>This can be seen from the publications of the "RAINBOW-party of
National Macedonians" which officially started in 1989 as a typical
indigenous movement with an exclusively local frame of reference,
whereas the movement's publications during the 1990s are brought into
line with the press of the Canadian and Australian Macedonian diaspora,
joining the <em>global ethnic network </em>(described by Danforth
1995 and representing a prototype case of Appadurai's <em>ethnoscapes </em>1996).
The message of this paper is to contest the functioning of language as
the central symbol of ethnic boundaries, since the subjective feeling
of social exclusion is at the very core of Macedonian identity in
Greece . </p>
<p>On the northern side of the border, the political and cultural
revisionism of the pro-Bulgarian government of Ljubco Georgievski
(VMRO-DPMNE) 1998-2002 brought to an end the ideal of linguistic
equidistance followed by Blaze Koneski after 1944: This openly
anti-Serbian linguistic policy (e.g. the daily TV emission "Govorete
makedonski" 2000-2002) corresponds to the phenomenon of post-communist <em>language
planning </em>corrections (comparable to Clyne 1997 "Undoing and
redoing corpus planning"), in our case it leads to a linguistic
rapprochement with the Bulgarian standard and the roofless dialects,
too. </p>
<p>This paper resumes some results of my habilitation project
"Linguistic convergence and divergence in the Macedonian
standard/dialect-continuum. Language planning, language use and
language attitudes in Vardar- and Aegean Macedonia during the 20 th
century", including impressions of several fieldwork stays in the
region between 2000 and 2003 as well as results of the conference
"Minorities in Greece . Historical perspectives and new issues",
organised by Sevasti Trubeta and me in Berlin in January 2003. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Tanja Petrovic ( Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts)<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:taxema@yahoo.com">taxema@yahoo.com </a></p>
<p><strong>Language Ideology of Serbs in Bela krajina: Between Balkan
values and European Modernity </strong></p>
<p>In the Slovenian southern region Bela Krajina there are four
Orthodox Serbian speaking villages: Bojanci, Milici, Paunovici, and
Marindol. These villages are inhabited by Serbs - descendants of
Uskoks, renegade refugees from the Ottoman Empire , who have settled
down since 1526 in several migration waves. Most of them were included
into the framework of the Hapsburg Military Border, while the major
part of Bela Krajina became the border's hinterland. These villages are
settled near to the Croatian border and are surrounded by Slovene
speaking settlements. </p>
<p>Although out of the area which is commonly designated as the
Balkans, these four villages in Slovenia are considered to be part of
"Balkan patriarchal culture", both for the cultural heritage and shared
social values and norms prevailing among their inhabitants. The
Orthodox, Serbian-speaking population of the four villages have managed
to preserve their native vernacular, and religious and cultural
identity for more than five centuries, mainly because of very strict
social rules restricting interactions with the surrounding
Slovene-speaking, Catholic population. Significant social changes that
took place in the middle of 20th century caused by industrialization
and deagrarization, resulted increased mobility of population emergence
of intermarriages and consequently in a rapid decline in use of the
native vernacular among these Serbs, which is being replaced by the
dominant Slovenian idiom. The present situation indicates a
contact-induced language shift: only the oldest generation of
inhabitants has a full, native-like competence in Serbian, the middle
generation speaks it occasionally, mainly in communication with their
parents, while children in these villages understand their Serbian
speaking grand-parents, but almost always respond to them in Slovene. </p>
<p>On the basis of a number of narratives recorded among Serbs in Bela
Krajina, I will try to outline basics of their language ideology, i.e.
explicit or implicit representations of language read out from
community's linguistic practice, metapragmatic discourse by which
speakers interpret their own language behavior, and from shared
representations related to power structures. </p>
<p>Understood as a cultural conceptualization of language which has the
social dimension and is necessarily related to social power, the
language ideology of the Serbian community in Bela Krajina can clearly
show the way in which its members deal with dialectic relationship
between a positive cultural stance towards the native language, which
advocates the integrity of the language and speech community, and a
pragmatism concerning sociocultural and linguistic change which adopts
a course of action in which modernization and the urban developments
take priority over traditionalism. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Razvan Dumitru ( University of Bucharest )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:razvan_dumi@yahoo.com">razvan_dumi@yahoo.com </a></p>
<p><strong>Vlaski language and Vlasi identity in the Vidin Region (
Bulgaria ) </strong></p>
<p>The paper shows the relation between identity and the spoken
language/(s). The people from the Vidin region are connecting their
identity with their use of the teo different language (Bulgarian and a
Romanian dialect (called Vlaski). </p>
<p>It seems that the people from the villages (Kapitanovti and Pokraina
were we had the fieldwork) can be grouped in three categories upon how
they connect their identity with their Vlaski use. </p>
<p>The relationship between "to be" and "to speak" </p>
<p>I. In several cases, the two verbs are overlapping. Those who
declare themselves as Romanians based on their Romance language belong
to the peripheral categories of system constructed on the bases of
national symbolical order, in our case -Bulgarian nation. In this
category, we include the persons that were not socialized in the
Bulgarian educational system (generally speaking, the ones who were
born in inter-war period or earlier). Still, their connection to urban
life has not been permanent, their main occupation being agriculture
and other adjacent activities (the selling of agricultural products at
the market was/is a secondary one). </p>
<p>Urban space belongs also to official system of power represented by
office-workers and strangers. </p>
<p>II. On intermediary level, there are the ones who distinguish
between <em>to be </em>and <em>to speak </em>and have a problematic
identity. Though they use the language, they perceive such a linguistic
identity as a factor of exclusion even for their children from the
social structure. Therefore, the use of Vlaski language may correspond
to a danger of social exclusion; that's why the younger generations
keep their children apart from Vlaski dialect. At the discursive level
this matter is expressed through "not to spoil childrens' language". <em>To
spoil the language </em>meaning <em>to pollute one's language
symbolically </em>represents a potential of exclusion that can
decrease one's chances of access to the state social system. </p>
<p>III. There is the third category of subjects, for whom <em>to speak
</em>it doesn't have any link with <em>to be. </em>To speak in Vlaski
or Romanian is, at discursive level, just another language that can be
used or not in utilitarian way. For those people to speak <em>Vlaski </em>doesn't
interact at all with to be <em>Vlaski, </em>and for this reason they
don't perceive any danger to their national identity. They are
declaring themselves as Bulgarians though they use the Vlaski dialect
in different proportions compared with the older generations. In this
category, I enclosed both people who were active in urban centers, in
this way they were/are separated from the community of their parents,
and children who have learnt to speak Vlaski from their grandparents as
a curiosity. Their parents probably, Vlaski speakers they don't use it
even in the family. </p>
<p>Thus a specific connotation of the Vlaski language system is
strongly connected with the symbolic system to which a person is
involved in. </p>
<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;People use many systems of signs (signification systems) more or
less connected for dealing with different linguistic, ethnic, or some
identities like Romanian- Bulgarian, villager - city man, old- new,
traditional - modern. </p>
<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;The three categories determine them to make connections between
Vlaski language and self-identity (defined as the relationship between
the two verbs <em>to speak </em>and <em>to be </em>) correspond to
three ways of manage with two symbolical systems. </p>
<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;A local community, a specific dialect, and the peasant life style
define one. The other defined by modern institution of the national
state, national language and urban space as politic and economic
center. </p>
<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;What remains to discuss is the relationship between the symbolic
system of Romanian national state and Vlachs communities. What turns
out from our study is the absence of any dispute over the relationship,
we didn't meet people having a feeling of belonging to Romanian nation.
</p>
<p>Despite the attempt of homogenizing made by Bulgarian national state
the local and previous symbolic system still survives. However it is
re-signified under the new social interactions that emerge across local
and national boundaries. The relatively recent re-implication of the
politic and economic power of the national states as well as the
supra-national organizations (i.e. European Union) concerning the
re-structuring of these new re-signification processes can be study and
approached. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="100%">
<h2><a name="2"></a>Anthropological approaches </h2>
<p align="center">Afternoon session, Friday December 12<br>
(Chair: Raymond Detrez) </p>
<p>Ger Duijzings ( University of Amsterdam , University College London )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:G.Duijzings@inter.NL.net">G.Duijzings@inter.NL.net
</a></p>
<p><strong>Cultural Identities in the Borderlands of the Balkans </strong></p>
<p align="center">This paper deals with cultural and social
identification and group formation in the borderlands of the Balkans,
where the existing ethnic and religious lines of division have always
been felt most accutely. Ger Duijzings will draw from his own research
in areas such as Kosovo and (eastern) Bosnia , and he will demonstrate
how processes of both convergence and divergence, fission and fusion,
have been at work here. Furthermore, he will show that in borderlands
(or "ethnic shatter zones") identities tend to be less fixed and more
fluid, and that processes of cultural divergence and convergence are
more salient here than elsewhere. One of the examples which will be
used to illustrate these phenomena of shifting and multiple identities
is the case of the Albanian crypto-Catholics. This case also shows that
new principles of identification or "groupness" have emerged in the
Balkans, and that there has been a general shift from religiously
defined identities during the Ottoman period to ethnically defined
"national" identities in the 20th century. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Roel Schuyt ( University of Amsterdam )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:roelschuyt@tiscali.nl">roelschuyt@tiscali.nl </a></p>
<p align="center"><strong>Convergence and divergence in Balkan folk and
local professional music.</strong><br>
</p>
<pre>One of the first scholars to deal with the interaction between 
the Balkan languages was Kristian Sandfeld. Similar interactions, affecting 
larger or smaller areas, can be observed in other spheres of culture. They are 
due to contacts between neighboring or intermingled peoples or language groups, 
or to the influence of powerful cultural and political centers in the Roman, 
Byzantine and later Ottoman, Habsburg and Russian Empires and the Italian lands. 
As concerns music, the resulting common features can be described in terms of 
metres, modality, harmony, instruments, the use of vocal and instrumental 
techniques, and textual elements. </pre>
<pre>With the gradual decline of the Ottoman Empire and the spread of 
Enlightenment and Romanticism to the various Balkan areas, there developed a 
trend towards an own identity and political, religious, linguistic and cultural 
autonomy or even independence. Within this framework belongs the production of 
dictionaries, grammars, textbooks and even alphabets of the various languages, 
and the collection of folklore in its manifold manifestations. An important 
ideological role in nationalism, both political and scholarly, was attributed to 
old memories which were recovered, reconstructed, or even newly invented. This 
resulted in competing claims on territory or cultural heritage. </pre>
<p>The tendency towards delimitation of national identity, in most
Balkan countries for decades combined with Socialist nationalism, but
simultaneously countered by reverse trends of unification and regional
or even global openness, has remained actual until the present day. And
it has so on different levels (from states to individuals) and in
numerous fields. In this paper I want to discuss its consequences for
what we generally call post-war 'Balkan music' - a term which already
implies some sort of unification. </p>
<p>1. Many scholars, writers, composers, arrangers and players had to
work in difficult circumstances, but tried to offer the best of the
talents they had. </p>
<p>2. In the new, postwar Socialist states and some new Soviet
republics, a number of State Folk Ensembles were formed, adapted to an
existing Soviet model. They created a normative 'national folk
culture', and had some image building value for export. One of their
typical characteristics is the 'scaling up' of traditional ensembles to
symphonic dimensions. Simultaneously, existing rural and urban
traditions managed to survive in various degrees, and new ones
developed, often seeking (or restoring?) contacts with neigbouring
countries or the West. Western genres were adopted and imitated, and
fusions between Balkan and Western music appeared. </p>
<p>3. Textual themes which fitted national conscience were placed on
the foreground, newly composed pieces glorifying the national past,
socialist society or national unity appeared. Similar developments took
place in the new states of former Yugoslavia , where people have always
been sensitive about the origin of tunes and the associations they
bear. </p>
<p>4. Pre-existing musical instruments were adapted and claimed as
national. In the 1870's, this happened in Hungary . More recent
examples are found in Russia and postwar Bulgaria . </p>
<p>5. Ancient 'transnational' elements were claimed as purely national.
In times of territorial tensions songs from beyond the disputed
frontier were incorporated. </p>
<p>6. On a local scale, folklore - as any other form of culture - was
firmly directed and controlled by 'culture houses'. </p>
<p>7. Research by foreigners was subjected to strict regulations, and
in the 1970's Romania declared the music of the Transylvanian
Hungarians a state secret, in order to avoid Hungarian revivalists
stirring up national feelings. But the right contact could always
create unexpected possibilities, as people tended to hover between
conformism and hospitality. </p>
<p>8. In non-Communist Greece , the (uncontrollable) rebetiko tragoudi
was dealt a severe blow when it was forbidden by the colonel regime of
1967-1974. Singing in (Slavic) Macedonian often proved hazardous. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Alexandre Popovic (CNRS, Paris)<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr">nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr
</a></p>
<p><strong>La magie chez les populations balkaniques: convergences et
divergences </strong></p>
<p>Travaillant depuis quelques ann&eacute;es dans le cadre de mon s&eacute;minaire de
l'EHESS de Paris (&laquo;&nbsp;Histoire moderne et contemporaine des musulmans
balkaniques&nbsp;&raquo;) sur la magie chez les musulmans des Balkans, j'ai eu
l'occasion de regarder une tr&egrave;s importante documentation sur la magie
en g&eacute;n&eacute;ral dans cette r&eacute;gion - concernant donc non seulement les
populations musulmanes, mais &eacute;galement les populations catholiques et
orthodoxes de la P&eacute;ninsule. </p>
<p>Parmi les premi&egrave;res constations qui ressortent de cet examen en
cours, la principale est que la magie dans le monde musulman, et en
particuler chez les musulmans balkaniques, montre une sophistication
incomparablement plus grande que chez les chr&eacute;tiens. Elle repose sur
une litt&eacute;rature &agrave; la fois ancienne et abondante et sur des pratiques
tr&egrave;s vari&eacute;es et tr&egrave;s &eacute;labor&eacute;es, li&eacute;es notamment &agrave; des croyances dans la
valeur num&eacute;rique des lettres et dans l'existence des djinns. Cependant,
il existe des &eacute;l&eacute;ments similaires. Et il n'a jamais &eacute;t&eacute; rare de voir
des fid&egrave;les d'une religion venir consulter des sp&eacute;cialistes d'une aure
religion. </p>
<p>Dans la communication annonc&eacute;e, je voudrais aborder rapidement ces
ph&eacute;nom&egrave;nes et essayer de pr&eacute;senter quelques remarques sur ces
divergences et ces convergences, tant sur le plan des th&eacute;ories et
syst&egrave;mes, que sur le plan du &laquo;&nbsp;mat&eacute;riel&nbsp;&raquo; et du rituel magique, &agrave;
travers la documentation concernant les XIXe et XXe si&egrave;cles. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Georgios Plakotos ( University of Glasgow )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:gplakotos@hotmail.com">gplakotos@hotmail.com </a></p>
<p><strong>Christian and Muslim Converts from the Balkans in Early
Modern Venice : Patterns of Social and Cultural Mobility and Identities
</strong></p>
<p>After the consolidation of the Ottoman Empire in sixteenth century,
the Republic of Venice maintained strong commercial links to the
Ottoman Balkans. Early modern Venice became a popular destination for
individuals and groups, ranging from itinerant merchants to mercenaries
from the Balkans. Throughout the same period, Venice witnessed the
influx of individuals and families from the Balkans, of such diverse
religious background, as Christian Orthodox, Muslim and Jewish, who
reached Venice and, appearing before the tribunal of the Inquisition of
the city or other ecclesiastical institutions, such as the House of
Converts ( <em>Casa dei Catecumeni </em>), they asked to embrace
Catholicism. Before arriving to Venice , those individuals' and groups'
religious background had often been shaped by earlier voluntary or not
conversions, mainly from Christianity to Islam. Before the Inquisition,
those people provided accounts of their past and explained their
motives for wishing to become Catholics. </p>
<p>Their narratives allow us to reconstruct the lives of that obscure
group of people from the Balkans who during their lives moved from one
religion to another. Through those narratives my paper explores the
social and cultural identities of those individuals and groups. It
illustrates that the cultural identities of those people, despite their
diverse religious background, had been shaped by a notion of
"convergence" that is demonstrated in the common patterns of crossing
religious boundaries. The paper points out that in those conversions to
Catholicism, certain groups figure prominently, which, despite their
different religious background, in their decision to assume the
Catholic identity were determined by their social position and profile.
Additionally, the paper discusses how people from the Balkans, either
Muslims or Christians, who stayed permanently or for short periods in
the unfamiliar and often unfriendly environment of Venice, adopted a
sense of "Balkan identity", either through close business association,
marriage and wider networks, or in geographical patterns of residence
that they developed in the city. </p>
<p>My paper is based on archival material drawn from the Venetian State
and Patriarchal Archives. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Julia G. Krivoruchko ( University of Haifa )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:jkriv@research.haifa.ac.il">jkriv@research.haifa.ac.il
</a></p>
<p><strong>A Case of Divergent Convergence: The Cultural Identity of
Romaniote Jewry </strong></p>
<p>The impact of Ancient Greek civilization and its successor, the
Byzantine Empire , on Balkan Jewry is known to be both deeply
penetrating and all-embracing. Its most important consequence for the
later historical developments was the language shift, namely the
transition of Balkan Jewish communities from the Aramaic/Greek or
Hebrew/Greek diglossia to the Greek monolinguism. Even after the 9 th
century, when Biblical Hebrew regained its status of main heritage
language, the religious instruction was given in colloquial Greek, and
Greek continued to be used in the liturgy. </p>
<p>During the pre-modern era the common language can be said to smooth
over the religious difference, to certain degree. The Romaniotes were
deeply influenced by the surrounding Greek Orthodox society, as they
pursued rural occupations, owned domestic animals and enjoyed freedom
of dwelling inside the towns. Almost in all the spheres of their
everyday life (seasonal festivals, family celebrations, marriage rites,
legal practices, etc.) they became profoundly assimilated. The Greek
folklore provided the basic building elements for various forms of the
Romaniote creative writing, including the poems written in Hebrew. The
liturgical music of Romaniotes was recognized as Balkan-inspired by its
investigators A. Shiloah and L. Levi. The affect of the mainstream
Greek culture on the elite Romaniote learning of the late Byzantine
period was noticed by S. Bowman, Z. Ankori and others. </p>
<p>However, many of the abovementioned phenomena were mistakenly
described as "Christian influences", while they should be called, after
S. Vryonis , "religious balkanisms" or rather "cultural balkanisms".
Widespread throughout the peninsula, they were not limited neither to
Greek nor to Orthodox population. </p>
<p>Modern era was not particularly favorable for the development of
Romaniote identity, as the options for divergence became extremely
limited. In the new Greek national state the Romaniotes had equal
rights with the rest of population and were rapidly integrated into new
networks. Yet the Romaniote Jews could not claim any form of political
or administrative autonomy, as they were few. They could not develop
separate linguistic identity since the image of their sociolect (like
that of other Greek dialects) was purely negative. The current
sociolinguistic situation encouraged them to cultivate Standard Greek
[see e.g., the poetry of Yosef Eliya]. As a result, no literary form of
Judeo-Greek has ever been created. A divergence was still possible in
the realm of religion, but the latter was dominated by the <em>Sefaradim
</em>, the Spanish-speaking newcomers - and thus not sufficiently
Romaniote. Besides, Judaism was rapidly loosing its importance in the
modern world, so that the Romaniotes influenced by European <em>haskala
</em>voted for learning French rather than Hebrew. </p>
<p>Toward the middle of the 20 th century, the unique Romaniote
identity has been largely replaced by the more encompassing identity of
Greek Jewry. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="100%">
<h2><a name="3"></a>Historical approaches (1) </h2>
<p align="center">Morning session, Saturday December 13<br>
(Chair: Ingrid Merchiers) </p>
<p>Paschalis Kitromilides (KNE, Athens )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:kne@eie.gr">kne@eie.gr </a></p>
<p><strong>Failures of Liberty in the Balkans</strong></p>
<p>In considering convergences and divergences in the history of the
Balkans we tend to think of shared cultural, religious and historical
experiences in the past and of conflicts in the present. We might
attempt, nevertheless, to look at the defining characteristics of
Balkan historical experience at other levels of analysis as well. One
such level of analysis would involve a comparative approach, looking
for and appraising the evolution over time of the ideological
traditions of modernity in Balkan societies, as part of their project
to define their national personality. The embattled story of Liberalism
in the Balkans offers a case in point, illustrating through its
achievements but primarily through its failures many of the endemic
substantive problems of Balkan politics. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p align="center">Nathalie Clayer (CNRS, Paris)<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr">nathalie.clayer@ehess.fr
</a></p>
<p><strong>Convergences et divergences dans le nationalisme &agrave; travers
l'exemple albanais </strong></p>
<p>Dans cette communication, il s'agira de reconsid&eacute;rer l'id&eacute;e selon
laquelle les convergences concernent principalement la culture
populaire, tandis que les divergences sont davantage situ&eacute;es au niveau
de la &laquo;&nbsp;Hochkultur&nbsp;&raquo; et des constructions id&eacute;ologiques, en particulier
des constructions identitaires nationales. </p>
<p>A travers l'exemple du nationalisme albanais, je voudrais en effet
montrer d'abord comment, dans les processus de construction d'identit&eacute;
nationale, les divergences ne concernent pas seulement la
&laquo;&nbsp;fabrication&nbsp;&raquo; des alt&eacute;rit&eacute;s avec d'autres groupes ethnico-nationaux,
mais qu'elles se trouvent aussi dans les diff&eacute;rentes fa&ccedil;ons de
construire l'identit&eacute; nationale &agrave; partir d'autres types d'identit&eacute;
pr&eacute;-existantes. </p>
<p>Dans un second temps, je voudrais &eacute;galement montrer que ces
processus de construction identitaire r&eacute;sultent de convergences. D'une
part l'ing&eacute;ni&eacute;rie de ces promoteurs fait appel &agrave; des outils emprunt&eacute;s
aux promoteurs d'autres identit&eacute;s nationales. D'autre part, il a exist&eacute;
et il existe des constructions hybrides, qui ont tendu &agrave; combiner
diff&eacute;rentes identit&eacute;s ethnico-nationales, mais qui sont souvent moins
rep&eacute;rables, du fait d'un courant divergent dominant, et moins durables.
Pour donner un exemple, l'albanisme s'est d'abord d&eacute;velopp&eacute; en grande
partie au sein m&ecirc;me de l'hell&eacute;nisme. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Basil Gounaris ( Aristotle University , Thessaloniki )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:bcgounar@auth.gr">bcgounar@auth.gr </a></p>
<p><strong>Constructing and Deconstructing a Common Balkan Past in
Nineteenth Century Greece </strong></p>
<p>The making of modern Greek national ideology and tradition was
certainly part of the 'divergence process' in the Balkans. Greeks
gained their independence and built their modern state on the arguments
and grounds of Hellenic antiquity, which secured for them a golden age
in the past and a distinctive culture in the future. However their
ancient cultural glory and distinctiveness contradicted their
participation in the Balkan cultural commonwealth. By doing so it
certainly negated Greek irredentism and even undermined the prospects
for co-operation. Was it possible to retain the Balkan entity without
renouncing the Hellenic past? Some Greeks thought it was, through the
vision of an Eastern Federation (or at least through bilateral
co-operations) based on assumed ethnic kinship, Orthodoxy and
anti-Turkism. However their vision gradually came into sharp contrast
with the formation of other Balkan nations. </p>
<p>Through a variety of literary sources (which include political
brochures, caricatures, magazines and newspapers) this paper examines
how nineteenth century Greeks saw, commented, and interpreted this
'incomprehensible' process from the 1830s until the days of the Balkan
Wars. For many reasons divergence from what was regarded as a common
past was indeed an ideological drama. Firstly it involved the rise of
independent nations which did not satisfy the Greek criteria and did
not fit in the Greek view of Balkan 'national geneology'. Furthermore
it implied conflict of political interests, the rise of anti-hellenism
in varying degrees, a fierce Balkan counter-offensive on disputed
ethnic grounds, the disappearance of the Greek language from the Balkan
urban centres and, the worst, the rapid assimilation of Greece 's
Balkan Diaspora, a capital overestimated before the 1850s. </p>
<p>The overall argument is that, although the making of the Balkan
'other' was clearly nothing more than a reflection of the making of the
Greek 'self', Greeks failed to evaluate and explain the negation of a
common past without invoking dubious conspiratorial theories and
historical argument. Through such arguments resentment became
traditional, the quest for a common past undesirable and, in the end,
divergence absolutely natural. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Boyko Penchev ( University of Sofia )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:litvestnik@yahoo.com">litvestnik@yahoo.com </a></p>
<p><strong>Tsarigrad/Istanbul and the Spatial Construction of Bulgarian
National Identity in the 60s and 70s of the XIX Century </strong></p>
<p>The paper explores the spatial discourses, participating in the
construction of Bulgarian national identity in the third quarter of XIX
century. The starting assumption was that building up of a nation
identity entails re-working of the local, place-bound identities and
successful "merging" of the lived spatial experience with the abstract
homogeneous "territory" of the nation, symbolically represented as the
common "homeland". In this respect the representations of
Tsarigrad/Istanbul in the Bulgarian public space of the XIX century
seems to be promising field of research. The specific
"extraterritorial" position of Tsarigrad in regard with the imaginary
and non-imaginary Bulgarian borders, combined with the presence of a
large Bulgarian community in the Ottoman capital made it a center of
different "mappings" and identification strategies. Tsarigrad
(literally "The City of the Kings") could be regarded as a spatial
node, generating different political projects which undermine the
nationalistic ideological vision. <strong></strong></p>
<p>In the 60's and the 70's Tsarigrad has been employed as a repository
of images for the negative construction of collective identity.
Negative exactly as in the photography. Tsarigrad has been forced to
participate in the formation of a normative standard what the
Bulgarian(s) should be. In the satiric writings of Hristo Botev and
Lubn Karavelov Tsarigrad was presented as a center of very strange map
- a map of "dark places", signifiing deviation and sexual pervertnes.
The crucial feature of these places - and the harem as most important
and frequently used at the time - was their presumed resistance to the
gaze of the normative public discourse. Everything that is happening
"secretly" cannot be legitimized - as far the modern legitimization of
power is funded in the public opinion. Thus the <em>harem </em>becomes
the emblematic counterpart of the patriarchal Home. The imagery of
lewdness makes the moral decay and the system of power inseparable. The
map of lewdness connects in a menacing network all the "dark places" of
sexual excess and perverted deeds. This map consists not only of harems
and coffeehouses, but of monasteries, brothels (brought to life with
the progress of the railroads) and even factories. By representing both
the administration and the social progress in terms of sexual
perversion, Botev and Karavelov were trying by all means to mock and
discredit the idea of the possible cohabitation between the Bulgarians
and the other ethnic groups of the Ottoman Empire , especially the
Turks. Tsarigrad was "the world upside down", as an un-homely place it
was opposed to the "true Homeland", represented by figures like
"fatherly fireside" etc. There should be no "mixing| and contersecting
between the imaginary territories and the supposed ethnic identities -
it was the crucial claim of the nationalistic discourse. </p>
<p>There were alternative political projects however, born within the
context of the struggle for eclesiastical independence, which took
Tsarigad as their symbolic and institutional center. For example, the
so called "Turkophiles" were convinced liberals, proposing totally
different map, envisioning the Bulgarians as an integral part of the
modernized Turkey . The institutional practice of the Bulgarian
Exarchate (the independent eclesiastical body, established after the
Sultan's Firman in 1870) provided another spatial model, differing from
that of the newly established Bulgarian state. Tsarigrad wasn't only
the opposite of the "tru Bulgarian-ness" - it was seriosly concidered
as the political and symbolical center of the Bulgarian nation. After
the Russian-Turkish war in 1877-78 and the establishment of the
Bulgarian Principality however, these political and cultural projects
proved to be in very compromised position. </p>
<p>To put it shortly, the representations of Tsarigrad took active part
in the construction of the homogeneous national space and rigidly
defined cultural identity. It generated, however, alternative
discourses as well, which deconstruct the normative ideological vision
of "pure" Bulgarian territory and identity. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Nada Alaica ( Oxford University )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:nadaalaica@yahoo.com">nadaalaica@yahoo.com </a></p>
<p><strong>A Mixing of Cultural Identities: The Croatian Borderlands in
the 19th Century </strong></p>
<p>The question of how cultural identity has developed in the Balkans
is perhaps most intriguing in those areas where peoples lived together
in mixed communities before the advent of nationalism. My research into
the Croatian part of the Habsburg Military Frontier, where Serb and
Croat peasants lived side by side for centuries, exemplifies how such
mixing made for ambiguous notions of cultural identity. While a few
aspects of life in the Military Frontier reveal similarities with other
peasants in the Balkan lands, it was far more common that the notion of
cultural identity was extremely localized. In my paper, I intend to
present one aspect of my research and share my findings concerning
customs among Serb and Croat peasants in the nineteenth century. </p>
<p>This research reveals that by sharing many of the same experiences
and interacting on a daily basis, some Serb and Croat traditions seem
to have changed in response to their new environment on the Military
Border, converged and thus increasingly resembled each another. For
instance, a similar oral tradition in which rather prosaic themes
dominated was certainly held in common, but many songs also paid
tribute to the shared military heroics of both Serb and Croat peasants
against Ottoman domination. Some of this oral literature was also
widely shared among peasants throughout the Balkans. Forms of
entertainment, such as marriage and dances varied in detail from one
village to the next but also display general patterns common to other
rural peoples. Rituals connected to agricultural pursuits also reveal
traditions that were shared not only with one another but with rural
folk throughout the wider Balkan region. Dress is especially
interesting for it reveals the significance of geography, gender and
social class in determining a people's choice of apparel. Choice of
dress reveals how problematic it is to impose any generalizations on
the nature of similarities or differences in customs. </p>
<p>The reality of rural life was extremely diverse and a number of
competing factors shaped Serb and Croat customs. Any attempt to
determine whether these customs fit the pattern of convergence or
divergence is consequently fraught with difficulties. While folk
customs were certainly non-national in the nineteenth century Military
Frontier, it is also erroneous to suggest that 'convergence'
characterises these customs. More often than not, cultural identity was
a reflection of the peasant's specific rural milieu. An empirical
analysis of that milieu reveals that for the nineteenth century peasant
in the Croatian Military Frontier, cultural identity was above all
localised - in other words a marker of one's place of origin. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Magdalena Elchinova (New Bulgarian University , Sofia )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:magi_el@hotmail.com">magi_el@hotmail.com </a></p>
<p><strong>Alien by Default: The Identity of the Turks of Bulgaria at
Home and in Immigration </strong></p>
<p>By the end of 1984 the communist authorities in Bulgaria launched an
assimilation campaign against the Turkish minority in the country,
aimed at the overt change of their identity and their ultimate
Bulgarisation. This campaign, known as the 'Revival process', lasted
until the autumn of 1989 and was admittedly considered among the major
reasons for the fall of the communist government in the country. The
last months of this assimilation policy were marked by mass migration
of Turkish families from Bulgaria to Turkey - within three months from
June through September 1989 over 350 000 Turks left Bulgaria, and more
than half of these returned to their homeplaces by the end of the same
year. In the early 1990s this migration continued on a limited scale,
resulting in the formation of a considerable community of new
immigrants from Bulgaria in Turkey . </p>
<p>This paper discusses how the identities of Bulgaria born Turks are
shaped and reshaped in critical situations and under the impact of
certain official politics of identity. This is viewed at a local level
and from within the group of interest - the Turks of Bulgaria. How are
their shared images and identity strategies constructed in everyday
culture? What is the role of language, kinship, religion and local
affiliation in their identity constructions? How do Bulgarian born
Turks cope with their position of being always 'Others' - both in their
country of birth and in the country of immigration? What are the
shifting meanings of 'Turkish-ness'? </p>
<p>These questions are commented in the paper on the basis of fieldwork
observations and interviews carried out in certain local communities in
Northeastern and Southeastern Bulgaria , as well as in the city of
Izmir in Turkey . Two types of strategies of identification and
cultural adaptation are compared - of Bulgaria 's Turks who returned
and/or stayed in their country of birth, and of others who permanently
settled down in the Republic of Turkey . It is clear in both cases that
ethnicity is rather insignificant in ingroup identity constructions.
Other components, such as kinship, gender, religious and local
affiliations, varying in significance with regard to the particular
context, determine their position in local and official social
categorisations. Ethnicity is as a rule introduced and enhanced in
everyday discourses by means of official nationalist rhetorics. The
case of the Turks of Bulgaria also demonstrates the flexibility of
identity and reveals how the concept of '! pure' identities, sustained
both in official and popular culture, is challenged and denied in
actual intergroup contacts. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="100%">
<h2><strong><a name="4"></a>Historical approaches (2) </strong></h2>
<p align="center">Afternoon session, Saturday December 13<br>
(Chair: Lara Sels) </p>
<p>Bernard Lory (INALCO, Paris) </p>
<p><strong>The Bulgarian-Macedonian Divergence: Why Does It Look So
Complicated? </strong></p>
<p align="center"><strong>La divergence bulgaro-mac&eacute;donienne: d&eacute;nouer
le noud gordien? </strong></p>
<p align="center">La notion de divergence est particuli&egrave;rement
op&eacute;ratoire pour rendre compte des relations bulgaro-mac&eacute;doniennes.
D'abord parce qu'elle neutralise les deux approches essentialistes: les
Bulgares et les Mac&eacute;doniens seraient, par essence, un seul et m&ecirc;me
peuple (Sofia); les Mac&eacute;doniens seraient, par essence, diff&eacute;rents des
Bulgares (Skopje). D'autre part, la divergence se d&eacute;finit comme un
processus, donc elle s'inscrit dans la dur&eacute;e historique. </p>
<p>La divergence bulgaro-mac&eacute;donienne devient un fait av&eacute;r&eacute; en 1944-45,
mais ce rep&egrave;re chronologique ne repr&eacute;sente ni le d&eacute;but, ni
l'aboutissement du processus: c'est juste la ligne de flottaison de
l'iceberg. Le processus de divergence se poursuit encore de nos jours. </p>
<p>La question de la p&eacute;riodisation, et particuli&egrave;rement celle de
l'apparition des premiers indices significatifs, pose un probl&egrave;me tr&egrave;s
int&eacute;ressant pour les historiens. Les principaux jalons chronologiques
sont: les ann&eacute;es 60 du XIXe si&egrave;cle, 1878, 1893, 1903, 1913, 1918, 1944,
1991. L'importance de ces jalons pour la partie mac&eacute;donienne et la
partie bulgare respectivement reste &agrave; discuter. En effet, les deux
parties ne se meuvent pas dans la m&ecirc;me temporalit&eacute;. </p>
<p>Une autre question passionnante pour le chercheur est celle de
savoir si la divergence est le produit de contradictions internes ou le
r&eacute;sultat de d&eacute;cisions ext&eacute;rieures, internationales. </p>
<p>Mais l'aspect le plus fascinant est l'impressionant argumentaire
d&eacute;velopp&eacute; de part et d'autre, sinon pour nier, du moins pour camoufler
la divergence bulgaro-mac&eacute;donienne. Plus que les arguments fournis dans
ce d&eacute;bat (ce dialogue de sourds), nous essayerons de montrer ici la
place des non-dits dans les deux discours. </p>
<p>En conclusion, on tentera de montrer les &eacute;l&eacute;ments d'&eacute;volution
indiquant r&eacute;cemment le rejet de l'approche essentialiste et la prise en
compte de la notion de divergence. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Robert Stallaerts (CZES, Ghent )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:robert.stallaerts@skynet.be">robert.stallaerts@skynet.be
</a></p>
<p><strong>Shifting Images of Society in Bosnian Fiction </strong></p>
<p>In his book "Making a nation, breaking a nation", Andrew Baruch
Wachtel analyses the role of literature and cultural politics in the
disintegration of Yugoslavia . He&nbsp;discusses&nbsp;four major aspects of the
attempts at cultural national nation building, namely (1) linguistic
policies that functioned to create a shared national language or at
least a unified Serbo-Croatian language (2) the promulgation of a
Yugoslav literary and artistic canon (3) educational policy,
particularly relating to the teaching of literature and history in
schools and (4) the production of new artistic works that incorporated
a Yugoslav view variously defined. </p>
<p>In this paper we both narrow and extend the scope of Wachtel's
project. On the one hand, we&nbsp;focus on the fourth component of his
study, and moreover we limit ourselves to literature produced in
Bosnia-Hercegovina. On the other side we broaden the analysis to the
literary production in most recent years. In order words, we will
concentrate&nbsp;on the view of society in recent after war literary
production. So along with a short reconsideration of the work of Ivo
Andric, Mesa Selimovic and Vojislav Lubarda, we will discuss mainly the
work of authors such as the novel writers Zilhad Klucanin, Asmir
Kujovic, the poets Marko Vesovic, Abdullah Sidran and Mile Stojic, and
the playwrights Almir Imsirevic and Alija Isakovic. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Zoran Terzic ( University of Wuppertal )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:zterzic@yahoo.com">zterzic@yahoo.com</a></p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img align="middle" width="504"
 src="cid:part2.08000304.05090300@cstgroup.org" height="164"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>Art from Somewhere Else - The Fuzzy Logic of Yugoslav
Cultural Identities in the Light of War, Art and Literature </strong></p>
<p>1) "Ethic" identity and ethnic identity </p>
<p>The modern civilian concept of identity originates from the
jurisdiction of the Roman emperor Justinian. Identity meant simply a
juridical reference to a concrete person in accordance with state law.
Unlike contemporary notions of cultural identity "civilian" identity
did not discriminate persons on the basis of "cultural", religious or
ethnic origin - rather the opposite: identity necessarily referred to
every juridical subject equally. </p>
<p>Nowadays, when for example someone says, that he has a German
passport, but - as he was born and educated in Italy - , he "feels" or
he is "truly" Italian by heart, we encounter these two concepts of
identity on a contemporary level. </p>
<p>We do not consider our identification document to represent our
"real" being, instead we refer to personal experience or irrational
justifications to explain <em>what </em>we "really" are, how we
"really" feel. However, analogous to passports these "feelings" are
nothing but symbolical representations of identity. In this regard we
subscribe more authority to "inner" representation than to "outer"
representation, and we refuse to believe that our feelings or our
reasoning may be as trivial or arbitrary as identification cards. </p>
<p>Our modern passports and IDs represent precisely the Justinian
concept of identity (- in the sense of <em>identification </em>-)
whereas our post-19th century imaginings of cultural identity include
essentialist and contrafactual longings (cultural "origin", heritage,
rassism, chauvinism, historical fatalism, myths, sociobiological
constructs, etc.) that we subscribe to societies as well as to
individuals. </p>
<p>A third concept of identity that is of relevance in this context
relates to the artistic dealing-with or anthropological observation of
cultural patterns (behaviour, fashion, folklore, aesthetics,
communication, etc.), which we in accordance with Gregory Bateson could
call "ethic identity" (- not eth <u>n </u>ic). <a name="_ftnref1"
 href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#_ftn1">[1] </a>This
concept of ethic identity has its roots in the universalist era of
Enlightment and defines the borders of identity neither in the
juridical nor geographical nor cultural (contrafactual) sense, but in
the sense of "daily life", that is in the sense of how people organize
a society, how they communicate, how they manage to make a living,
solve problems, etc.</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img width="159" src="cid:part3.02080701.05050602@cstgroup.org"
 height="234"><img width="157"
 src="cid:part4.06010607.06050806@cstgroup.org" height="234"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>fig.</strong> <u>left: </u>Slobodan Milosevic during his
speech commemorating the Battle of Kosovo on June 28th 1989<br>
<u>right </u>"Podium, 2000", German artist Thomas Demand rebuilt
Milosevic's platform thus trying to extract the "aura" of the fateful
anniversary. </p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>2) The Yugoslav disintegration is a very good example to illustrate
on one hand a failed concept of "civilian" identity, and on the other
hand the rise of divergent cultural identities, i.e. the rise of
exclusive, mythical, irrational longings and concepts. </p>
<p>The process of cultural differentiation began in some areas of
"Hochkultur" (cultural policies, language issues, novels) from the mid
60's on. </p>
<p>Beside a "Yugoslav reality" a "national reality" existed that has
permanently been perpetuated by parts of the cultural elite which tried
to challenge the meaning and the national "logic" of Yugoslavia . </p>
<p>On the other hand, one could observe unifying tendencies and
activities in the area of popular culture (e.g. up to date one speaks
of "Yugorock" whereas there exists no topoi "Yugoliterature" in the
analogue sense) and official cultural policy. </p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>3) In my proposal I want to display several phenomena of convergence
respectively divergence that have to be seen in the context of the
Yugoslav disintegration. Of particular interest are: </p>
<p>a) The "Istocnici" discourse as ideological tool on one hand and as
a proposition for a Balkan identity on the other. </p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img width="164" src="cid:part5.04080108.08020902@cstgroup.org"
 height="231"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>fig. </strong>"One small country of indomitable Serbs". The
"fun" postcard during the NATO war against FR Yugoslavia in 1999
mirrors also aspects of cultural policy. </p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img width="148" src="cid:part6.03080503.09080000@cstgroup.org"
 height="194"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>fig. </strong>Retro-avantgarde: Milic od Macve's account of
the NATO bombardment in 1999 in religious icon-style. In this image two
completely different cultural concepts collide. </p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>The word "Istocnici" ("Genuine people from the East") refers
initially to the originality of Eastern "culture", and was used by some
authors (e.g. D. Ugresic) to define the origin of their production
beyond national affirmations. On the other hand, in Serbia the concept
was used as a means to propagate national ideology by deliberately
distancing oneself from Western cultural agendas. In 1994 nationalist
hardliner Dragos Kalajic organized the exhibition "Istocnici" in the
Belgrade Museum of Modern Art as an attempt to display the rural,
heroic premodern aspects that - in his eyes - made up Serbian culture. </p>
<p>A non-explicite Istocnici discourse, however, can be traced back to
the 70's and 80's in the field of literature (e.g. war novels). </p>
<p>b) "Yugonostalgia" as a virtual remains of a pop-cultural or - if
you will - "ethic" identity beyond national borders. </p>
<p>I shall discuss four forms of current "Yugonostalgia": </p>
<p>1. revisionism - vague longing for socio-political unification<br>
2. escapism - distraction from current hardship, longing for "better
times"<br>
3. active nihilism - artistic non-position, "Yu-Mythology" (e.g.
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.juga.com">www.juga.com</a>)<br>
4. aestheticism - lifestyle, Yu-Iconography (e.g. <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.titoville.com">www.titoville.com</a>) </p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img align="middle" width="179"
 src="cid:part7.09080202.05040004@cstgroup.org" height="185"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong></strong><strong>fig. </strong>One can apply for membership
in "Cyberyugoslavia" at <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.juga.com">www.juga.com</a> </p>
<p>c) <em>Homo Balkanicus </em>- The "Barbarian Network" </p>
<p>In 1992 former PRAXIS philosopher Miladin Zivotic coined the term <em>homo
balkanicus </em>in an attempt to describe a certain mentality among
many former Yugoslav cultural activists and intellectuals that had
fallen for the nationalist idea. </p>
<p><em>Homo balkanicus </em>is nothing but a synonym for the modern
barbarian: a semantic figure that expresses the revolting,
uncompromising, and radical side in our Eastern and Western societies.
This chapter will investigate the role of cultural protagonists in the
scope of identity debates.</p>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td align="left" valign="top">
      <p><img align="middle" width="134"
 src="cid:part8.03050407.02050400@cstgroup.org" hspace="0" height="194"></p>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>fig. </strong>"Artists to weapons!" Poster by Vlado Martek
at the exhibition "For the Defense and Renewal of Croatia", Zagreb 19 </p>
<p>The question is whether the outlined phenomena will condense to
distinct cultural concepts or figures or whether they will vanish in
the near future. </p>
<p>I cannot give definite answers, of course. What I hope is to
contribute some aspects to the complex discussion on "Cultural identity
in the Balkans" from an art-theoretical and phenomenological point of
view. </p>
<p><a name="_ftn1"
 href="http://www.flwi.ugent.be/czes/abstracts.htm#_ftnref1">[1] </a>The
German philosopher Martin Heidegger translates gr. "ethos"
allegorically as "place". The eidetic (wesensm&auml;ssig) place of a
communiy defines its identity and defines the individual. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Galia Lazarova Dimitrova (St. Kliment Ohridski University, Sofia)<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:galialazar@yahoo.com">galialazar@yahoo.com </a></p>
<p>La red&eacute;finition de l'identit&eacute; nationale bulgare: Le r&ocirc;le des images
m&eacute;diatiques </p>
<p>La Bulgarie postcommuniste a pris le chemin pour son adh&eacute;sion &agrave;
l'Union europ&eacute;enne et &agrave; l'OTAN. Dans les ann&eacute;es 1990, le pays s'est
impos&eacute; comme un &laquo;&icirc;le&raquo; de la paix et de la stabilit&eacute; dans les Balkans.
La politique ethnonationaliste de l'ex-r&eacute;gime, dont l'expression
fulgurante a &eacute;t&eacute; le &laquo;processus renaissant&raquo; (1984-1989), c'est-&agrave;-dire
l'assimilation forc&eacute;e des Turcs et, en g&eacute;n&eacute;ral, des Musulmans bulgares,
a &eacute;t&eacute; rejet&eacute;e. Aujourd'hui la politique officielle est d'int&eacute;gration
des minorit&eacute;s &agrave; la soci&eacute;t&eacute; bulgare. Suite aux &eacute;lections l&eacute;gislatives de
2001 le Mouvement pour des droits et libert&eacute;s (MDL), dont la base
&eacute;lectorale est form&eacute;e surtout des Turcs bulgares, fait partie du
gouvernement. La plupart des partis politiques tiennent des discours en
faveur de l'int&eacute;gration des minorit&eacute;s, pour l'expression libre des
diff&eacute;rences culturelles dont la cohabitation serait un atout pour
l'int&eacute;gration europ&eacute;enne de la Bulgarie. Marginalis&eacute; sur le champ
politique, l'ethnonationalisme r&eacute;appara&icirc;t pourtant dans le discours
journalistique. </p>
<p>Nous discernons dans la presse nationale contemporaine deux types de
discours sur l'identit&eacute; nationale. L'un est ethnonationaliste, l'autre
- int&eacute;grationniste. L'un construit la bulgarit&eacute; comme une identit&eacute;
ethnique, l'autre - comme une identit&eacute; nationale. L'un cherche &agrave;
d&eacute;finir les &laquo;vrais&raquo; Bulgares, la majorit&eacute;, de laquelle d&eacute;limite les
minorit&eacute;s. L'autre parle des citoyens bulgares malgr&eacute; leurs diff&eacute;rences
culturelles. Les images des Turcs et des Roms bulgares, les deux plus
grandes minorit&eacute;s dans le pays, incarnent l'alt&eacute;rit&eacute; culturelle
pr&eacute;suppos&eacute;e dans l'espace nationale. </p>
<p>Le discours ethnonationaliste narre la conqu&ecirc;te inachev&eacute;e de la
Bulgarie par les Turcs ottomans. Dans les ann&eacute;es 1990, le danger &eacute;tait
un &eacute;ventuel s&eacute;paratisme de la population turque, aujourd'hui c'est le
MDL qui v&eacute;hiculerait &laquo;les int&eacute;r&ecirc;ts n&eacute;ocoloniaux d'Ankara&raquo; en Bulgarie.
Ce discours est cod&eacute; par la m&eacute;moire collective de martyr des cinq cent
ans de joug ottoman du pays. Il rejet l'image des Turcs bulgares -
victimes de l'ex-r&eacute;gime, leur image concurrente dans la presse, et
d&eacute;nonce la monopolisation du &laquo;mod&egrave;le ethnique bulgare&raquo; de la part du
MDL au d&eacute;triment de la majorit&eacute; et des autres minorit&eacute;s. L'&eacute;lite
politique turque est repr&eacute;sent&eacute;e soit comme le garant soit comme le
danger pour la paix en Bulgarie. </p>
<p>Les m&ecirc;mes strat&eacute;gies de victimisation et de culpabilisation
r&eacute;gissent la repr&eacute;sentation ambigu&euml; des Roms bulgares. Leur image des
&laquo;dangereux&raquo; appara&icirc;t &agrave; cot&eacute; de celle des &laquo;Turcs - conqu&eacute;rants&raquo; &agrave; la fin
des ann&eacute;es 1990. Au d&eacute;but le &laquo;Rom criminel&raquo;, apr&egrave;s la &laquo;Foule
d&eacute;socialis&eacute;e&raquo; est ce qui fait peur &agrave; la majorit&eacute;. Ils sont souvent
repr&eacute;sent&eacute;s comme le visage non authentique de la Bulgarie qui va
&laquo;nous&raquo; d&eacute;shonorer et emp&ecirc;cher &laquo;notre&raquo; int&eacute;gration europ&eacute;enne. L'image
des Roms en tant que les perdants de la transition est rejet&eacute;e. A
l'image &laquo;des discrimin&eacute;s&raquo; s'oppose une contre-image: celle des
&laquo;privil&eacute;gi&eacute;s&raquo;, gagnants de leur pauvret&eacute;. Ce serait la minorit&eacute; qui
profiterait des aides sociales, du &laquo;droit d'extorsion contre l'Etat&raquo;,
des moyens financiers de l'&eacute;tranger, etc. L'effet de ce type de
discours est la superposition de deux fronti&egrave;res entre la minorit&eacute; et
la majorit&eacute; - sociale et ethnique. C'est le faux, le mauvais pauvre, le
Rom, qui est oppos&eacute; &agrave; la &laquo;population bulgare&raquo; laborieuse. Les autres
effets sont l'ethnicisation des probl&egrave;mes socio-&eacute;conomiques et le
renversement des rapports majorit&eacute;/minorit&eacute;: majorit&eacute; discrimin&eacute;e -
minorit&eacute; privil&eacute;gi&eacute;e serait la vraie relation. </p>
<p>Dans les deux cas, des Turcs et des Roms bulgares, il est
int&eacute;ressant de voir la construction de leur identit&eacute;/alt&eacute;rit&eacute; par
rapport &agrave; la majorit&eacute;, les m&eacute;canismes dont cette construction proc&egrave;de,
les hybridations du discours journalistique, ainsi que les glissements
du discours ethnonationaliste vers des discours eurosceptique,
anti-europ&eacute;en, anti-globaliste. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Nadia Capuzzo ( University of Geneva )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:nadia.capuzzo@socio.unige.ch">nadia.capuzzo@socio.unige.ch
</a></p>
<p><strong>Multiculturality vs. Cultural Homogenization: The Status of
Landmarks in the Reconstruction of Sarajevo </strong></p>
<p>The theme of my paper will deal with the changes sustained by local
imaginary-urban identity caused by the siege of Sarajevo ( Bosnia &amp;
Herzegovina ) and the problematic of urban reconstruction of the city.
The articulation between space, memory and identity is therefore
central as the process of identification and of identity-building are
based on multiple elements going from the familiar environment to
expressive forms such as the language and the religion including space
and memory. </p>
<p>Cities in Bosnia &amp; Herzegovina , particularly Sarajevo ,
are/were the symbol of a common history, of the blending of cultures
and religions (Convergence). These elements influenced the
architectural and urban development through history in this region.
When the siege of Sarajevo began (April 1992) the city became a target
as a figure of the cultural identity, starting with the historical and
religious monument (Divergence). </p>
<p>The kind of destruction undergone by Sarajevo during the siege
orients the reflection on its reconstruction. In fact, reconstruction
does not have to be understood solely as the act of construction of
what has been demolished. The stake of reconstruction in this case is
the restoration of the pre-war appearance of Sarajevo in order that
residents regain possession of the image of their city. The need to
restore the pre-war image of a war torn city is existential and does
not imply the negation of what has happened. In this sense, destruction
can be seen as tokens of the recent history since destroyed buildings,
as well, belong to the urban topography of the city. </p>
<p>The transformation of the urban social fabric of Sarajevo has a
consequence on the status of landmarks. By this term, we refer to
buildings and monuments with a symbolic meaning for the inhabitant.
These prove to be the support of the local identity, that is to say,
the one of citizens living in cities. The symbolic meaning carried out
by these structures participates of the collective memory of a
community. Thus, since the beginning of the siege, we notice that some
buildings, identified by assailants as landmarks of the culture to
annihilate, have been deliberately taken for target. It is the case,
for example of the National and University Library, known under the
name of Vijecnica, former municipality of Sarajevo under the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. </p>
<p>The destruction of landmarks put in evidence in a symptomatic manner
the problematic of identity linked to reconstruction. Will the urban
cultural identity of the inhabitants of Sarajevo undergo changes due to
the partial destruction of landmarks or the transformation of the
social urban fabric? Will the new nationalist iconography favouring
national styles, symbols and expressions be materialised or a new
iconography will be revealed? These interrogations reveal the current
complex situation of the Bosnian identity, and particularly of the
Sarajevan identity, divided between multiculturality and cultural
homogenization. </p>
<hr size="1" noshade="noshade" width="90%">
<p>Andreas Hemming ( Karl Franzens University , Graz )<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:hemming@eth.mpg.de">hemming@eth.mpg.de </a></p>
<p><strong>Albania and the EU: How State Ambitions Have Become Part of
National Identity </strong></p>
<p>The Balkans are converging again, on the European Union. If the
disparate countries of the Balkans have anything in common then it is
their ambition to join the EU, rather sooner than later. And the public
discourse on the EU has emerged to become an essential part of the
local discourse. This paper will discuss how for the case of Albania
the EU has become part of that local discourse, what it represents for
the people and how they perceive themselves in the European mirror. </p>
<p>Albania finds it self in a unique position in this respect. On the
one hand the people have emerged and are emerging still from an
extremely isolated political situation where the understanding of the
self was always constructed against a hostile other on all sides. The
postsocialist transition has required a complete rethinking of the
other and the self. On the other hand, Albania is in a geographically
unique situation compared to most other postsocialist nations, only 60
km away from the Italian "heart" of the EU across the Adriatic and
sharing a very permeable common border with Greece . </p>
<p>Many Albanians (a third of adult males, for example) have "EU
experience", having worked, both legally and illegally, in the above
mentioned Greece or Italy or elsewhere in the EU. Those experiences
have become an essential part of their identity, in how they are
perceived at home and how the local population perceives itself. "EU
experience" has become an essential part of what it means to be
Albanian. </p>
<p>This paper will discuss which (real and imagined) elements of the
"EU" have become a part of Albanian identity and self-perception, what
these images represent for the Albanian population and what
developments they may be heralding for the future. </p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
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