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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:3.2pt'><font size=1 color=navy
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w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:39.2pt'><b><font size=1 color=black
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:black;font-weight:bold'>NEW KURDISH INITIATIVE: READY FOR A SOLUTION?<o:p></o:p></span></font></b></p>
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:39.2pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>MUSLIM DEMOCRACIES: CHANGES AND CHALLENGES<o:p></o:p></span></font></b></p>
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border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:57.75pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:39.2pt'><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on"><b><font size=1 color=black face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:black;font-weight:bold'>TURKEY</span></font></b></st1:country-region></st1:place><b><font
size=1 color=black face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:black;font-weight:bold'> IN THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL<o:p></o:p></span></font></b></p>
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padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:9.9pt'>
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OF CONTENTS<font color="#046aa8"><span style='color:#046AA8'><o:p></o:p></span></font></span></font></b></p>
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padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:9.9pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></p>
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<td width=587 colspan=2 height=13 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:black'>Guest Editor’s N</span></font><font size=1 face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>ote<font color="#046aa8"><span
style='color:#046AA8'> </span></font>[<font color=navy><span
style='color:navy'><a
href="http://www.insightturkey.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=123&Itemid=57">Full
text</a></span></font>]</span></font><font size=1 face=Arial><span
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></b></p>
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<td width=587 colspan=2 height=19 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:
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<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><u><font size=1 face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Commentaries</span></font></u><b><font
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font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'><o:p></o:p></span></font></b></p>
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padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:14.45pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></b></p>
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<td width=587 colspan=2 height=1238 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;
border-top:none;border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;
border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:928.75pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>The Emergence of the
‘Government’s Perspective on the Kurdish Issue<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Umit
Cizre, pp. 1-12<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>The
Kurdish Question: The Reasons and Fortunes of the ‘Opening’<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Cengiz
Candar, pp. 13-19</span></font><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'> [<a
href="http://www.insightturkey.com/Insight_Turkey_2009_4_Cengiz_Candar.pdf">Full
Text</a>]</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Mapping
the Pathways: Public Perception and Kurdish Question<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Cemalettin
Hasimi, pp. 21-27<br>
<br>
</span></font><u><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Articles<br>
<br>
</span></font></u><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:
bold'>A Research Note on Islam, Democracy, and Secularism </span></font></b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><st1:PersonName ProductID="Ahmet T. Kuru" w:st="on"><font
size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Ahmet T.
Kuru</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>, pp. 29-40<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Democracy
in Muslim Contexts: What <st1:place w:st="on">Africa</st1:place> Can Bring to
the Discussion? </span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Leonardo
A. Villalón, pp. 41-50<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Islam
and Democracy in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Indonesia</st1:country-region></st1:place></span></font></b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'> <br>
</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Michael
Buehler, pp. 51-63<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Muslim
Democratic Parties in <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>,
<st1:country-region w:st="on">Egypt</st1:country-region>, and <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Morocco</st1:country-region></st1:place>:
An Economic Explanation</span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><st1:PersonName ProductID="A. Kadir Yildirim" w:st="on"><font
size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>A. Kadir
Yildirim</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>, pp. 65-76<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Globalization
and the Crisis of Authoritarian Modernization in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place></span></font></b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Hasan
Kosebalaban, pp. 77-97<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>The
Rise and Decline of the Turkish “<st1:place w:st="on"><st1:PlaceName
w:st="on">Deep</st1:PlaceName> <st1:PlaceType w:st="on">State</st1:PlaceType></st1:place>”:
The Ergenekon Case</span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'> <br>
</span></font><st1:PersonName ProductID="Serdar Kaya," w:st="on"><font
size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Serdar
Kaya,</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'> pp. 99-113<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Charting
the Hamas Charter Changes</span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Mohamed
Nimer, pp. 115-130<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Peacemaking
between <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">America</st1:country-region></st1:place>
and the Muslim World: A New Beginning?</span></font></b><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
</span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Nathan
C. Funk , pp. 131-150<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
</span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Turkey</span></font></b></st1:country-region></st1:place><b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'> in the UN Security
Council: Its Elections and Performance</span></font></b><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'> <br>
</span></font><st1:PersonName ProductID="Berdal Aral" w:st="on"><font size=1
color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Berdal Aral</span></font></st1:PersonName><font
size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>,
pp.151-168<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><u><font size=1 face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><br>
</span></font></u><font size=1 color="#ff6600" face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#FF6600'><br>
</span></font><u><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Book Reviews<br>
<br>
</span></font></u><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:
bold'>Vera Costantini and Markus Koller (eds.), <i><span style='font-style:
italic'>Living in the Ottoman Ecumenical Community: Essays in Honour of
Suraiya Faroqhi<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Christine
Philliou, p. 169<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>M.
Sukru Hanioglu, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>A Brief History of the
Late <st1:place w:st="on">Ottoman Empire</st1:place><br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Renée
Worringer, p. 171<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Mustafa
Aksakal, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>The <st1:Street w:st="on"><st1:address
w:st="on">Ottoman Road</st1:address></st1:Street> to War in 1914: The <st1:place
w:st="on">Ottoman Empire</st1:place> and the First World War<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Virginia
H. Aksan, p. 173<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Christoph
Schuhmann (eds.), <st1:PersonName ProductID="Liberal Thought" w:st="on"><i><span
style='font-style:italic'>Liberal Thought</span></i></st1:PersonName><i><span
style='font-style:italic'> in the <st1:place w:st="on">Eastern Mediterranean</st1:place>:
Late 19th Century until the 1960s<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Jřrgen
S. Nielsen, p. 175<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Sadik
Unay, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Neo-liberal Globalization and
Institutional Reform: The Political Economy of<o:p></o:p></span></i></span></font></b></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><i><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold;font-style:italic'>Development
Planning in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
</span></font></i></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Ziya
Onis, p. 177<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:City w:st="on"><b><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Austin</span></font></b></st1:City></st1:place><b><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'> Dacey, <i><span
style='font-style:italic'>The Secular Conscience: Why Belief Belongs in Public
Life<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Jodok
Troy, p. 179<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Peter
Mandaville, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Global Political Islam<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Leif
Stenberg, p. 181<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><st1:City w:st="on"><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;
font-weight:bold'>Yakub Halabi</span></font></b></st1:City><b><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>, <st1:country-region
w:st="on"><i><span style='font-style:italic'>US</span></i></st1:country-region><i><span
style='font-style:italic'> Foreign Policy in the <st1:place w:st="on">Middle
East</st1:place>: From Crises to Change<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Janice
J. Terry, p. 182<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Othon
Anastasakis, Kalypso Nicolaidis and Kerem Oktem (eds.), <i><span
style='font-style:italic'>In The Long Shadow of <st1:place w:st="on">Europe</st1:place>:
Greeks and Turks in the Era of Postnationalism<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Yaprak
Gursoy, p. 185<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:0cm;margin-bottom:
12.0pt;margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Carol
M. Swain (ed.), <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Debating Immigration<br>
</span></i></span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Deniz Sert" w:st="on"><font
size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Deniz
Sert</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>, p. 187</span></font><font size=1
face=Arial><span style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr height=36 style='height:27.0pt'>
<td width=587 colspan=2 height=36 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:
none;border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:27.0pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:3.2pt'><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span
lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>ABSTRACTS</span></font></b><font
size=2 face=Arial><span style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><u><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Commentaries<br>
<br>
</span></font></u><font size=1 color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Emergence of the
‘Government’s Perspective on the Kurdish Issue</span></font></b><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><br>
Umit Cizre<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 1-12<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The AK Party’s chronic
‘political insecurity’ may have passed a threshold as the ruling
party resurfaces as an actor taking advantage of its pro-European Union sentiments
to begin a ‘grand negotiation’ with Turkey’s thus-far
publicly shunned Kurdish leaders after decades of bloodshed. This new window
of opportunity could not have emerged without the explosion of the Ergenekon
incident, which has offered a persuasive critique of the closed, dark,
intolerant and secret communities friendly with the military bureaucracy and
state officials but insidiously devoted to destroying the government. In the
post-Ergenekon era, the new democratic opening represents a significant departure
from a military solution to the Kurdish issue which has blocked civilian
imaginations by declaring the Kurdish identity demands as a security threat
to the officially proscribed Turkish identity. The real issue at stake now
for the AK Party government is a redefinition of the locus and space where
the phenomenon of real political power takes place in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Kurdish Question: The Reasons
and Fortunes of the ‘Opening’ <br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Cengiz Candar<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 13-19<font color=navy><span style='color:navy'>
[<a
href="http://www.insightturkey.com/Insight_Turkey_2009_4_Cengiz_Candar.pdf">Full
Text</a>]</span></font><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This commentary reflects on the Turkish
government’s recent ‘opening’ to address the Kurdish
problem and the domestic, regional and international conditions that created
a conducive environment for this initiative. It maintains that although the
Turkish leadership has grasped the new dynamics of the regional and domestic
developments and changed its conventional perception of the problem, the
initiative is constrained by the fact that it is motivated by a concern to
remove the violent aspect of the Kurdish question, i.e., terminating the
Kurdish insurgency once and for all. It also suggests that despite the
optimism generated by the opening to solve the Kurdish problem, the
achievement of its ultimate objective is far more complex than seen at the
first glance. The commentary places a special attention on the dilemmas
encountered by the Democratic Society Party as it seeks to represent the
demands of its predominantly Kurdish constituency.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Mapping the Pathways: Public
Perception and Kurdish Question<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Cemalettin Hasimi<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 21-27<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The Kurdish initiative announced by the governing
Justice and Development Party has increased the discussions on the proper
ways and forms of dealing with the Kurdish question in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>. The announcement acted as
an opening of Pandora’s box through which all different images of the
problem began to be manifested simultaneously. Assuming that the public
perception would have a direct impact on the trajectory of the implementation
of the initiative, this essay examines different aspects of the public
perception of the issue by relying on the findings of a joint survey
conducted by SETA and Pollmark. It is contended that effective settlement of
the Kurdish question requires encountering and resolving certain tensions in
the public perceptions, which can be done by achieving a language in which
the grammar of politics and the values that maintain social integration is
more transitional and interdependent.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><font size=1 color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
</span></font><u><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Articles<o:p></o:p></span></font></u></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>A Research Note on Islam,
Democracy, and Secularism <br>
</span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Ahmet T. Kuru" w:st="on"><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Ahmet
T. Kuru</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
<font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 29-40<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This essay examines the validity of the
argument that the alleged theological lack of state-religion separation in
Islam is the reason for authoritarianism in many Muslim-majority countries.
The essay criticizes this argument by showing that a) secularism, in the
sense of state-religion separation, is neither a necessary nor sufficient
condition for democracy; b) Islam is not an inherently and exceptionally
political religion, and c) 20 out of 46 Muslim-majority states are secular.
The essay point out that rather than analyzing the so-called essence of Islam
as prodemocratic or anti-democratic, it may be more effective to explore the
socio-political and economic conditions that have led to democracy or
authoritarianism in Muslim-majority countries.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Democracy in Muslim Contexts: What <st1:place
w:st="on">Africa</st1:place> Can Bring to the Discussion?<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Leonardo A. Villalón<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 41-50<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>While the question of the relationship
between Islam and democracy continues to attract significant attention from
scholars and policymakers, African cases have been largely absent from these
debates. This article argues that the experiences of sub-Saharan African
Muslim societies may nevertheless have much to contribute to our
understanding of democratic prospects in the Muslim world. Considering the experiences
of three Francophone countries of Sahelian West Africa, it explores the ways
in which the democratization experiments led by secular civil society
activists in the early 1990s moved from the initial resistance of deeply
religious Muslim majorities to an acceptance of democracy as the only
legitimating bases of political systems. The article argues that this was
possible due to the significant negotiation both within religious society and
between religious groups and the secular elite on the actual content of
democracy. These cases thus suggest a number of tentative but important
lessons for our understanding of democratic possibilities in the Muslim
world.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Islam and Democracy in <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Indonesia</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Michael Buehler<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 51-63<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Islam and democracy are said to be in a
relationship fraught with problems as the former, allegedly, does not allow
secular law to be put above divine law or accept the legitimacy of worldly
authorities. This relationship is less problematic in Indonesia, a democratic
Muslim-majority country, the argument goes, due to the syncretic forms of
Islam practiced in the archipelago state that are less dogmatic, and hence
more conducive to democratic principles. While this is a valuable point,
various factors extraneous to ‘moderate Indonesian Islam,’ such
as a fragmented Islamic authority in civil society, a weakly
institutionalized party system as well as dynamics triggered by recent
institutional reforms all play a role in the continuing insignificance of
political Islam in the country.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Muslim Democratic Parties in <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>, <st1:country-region w:st="on">Egypt</st1:country-region>,
and <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Morocco</st1:country-region></st1:place>:
An Economic Explanation <br>
</span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="A. Kadir Yildirim" w:st="on"><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>A.
Kadir Yildirim</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
<font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 65-76<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The recent emergence of Muslim democratic
parties such as AKP in <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>
and PJD in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Morocco</st1:country-region></st1:place>
draws attention to the perennial question on the moderation of Islamist
parties yet again. Economic liberalization and the accompanying socioeconomic
transformation underlie the democratic and liberal turn political Islam has
taken in the <st1:place w:st="on">Middle East</st1:place>. The precise nature
of liberalization is critical to this moderation. Competitive liberalization,
by enabling peripheral groups to benefit from liberalization, conduces to the
renewed interest in democracy and a liberal system. Crony liberalization, by
reinforcing the archaic rent-seeking relationship between the state and big
business and continuing to marginalize the peripheral groups from politics
and the economy, sustains the interest of peripheral groups in the reactionary
discourse of Islamism. The strength of Muslim democratic parties is a
reflection of competitiveness economic reforms introduce in the society and
the economy.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Globalization and the Crisis of
Authoritarian Modernization in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place> <br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Hasan Kosebalaban<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 77-97<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Conventional models developed through the
conceptual lenses of modernization theory dating back to the 1960s, are no
longer applicable to Turkish politics; they fall short of grasping the
changes that Turkish ideologies experienced in recent decades. In the face of
<st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>’s
growing democratization and societal modernization, Turkish secularists have
lost their status as agents of reform and gradually emerged as defenders of
the status quo in the face of the rapid mobilization of Anatolian-based
conservative society. However, no factor was more responsible for this
transformation than the comprehensive external and internal structural
changes that <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>
experienced in the post-Cold War era, leading to the emergence of a globalist
conservative ideology in large parts of <st1:place w:st="on">Anatolia</st1:place>.
This paper examines the question of why those who are commonly associated in
Western scholarly discourse with progress and modernity, have fallen behind
the Muslim conservatives in pursuit of democratization and further
integration of the country with the West. The paper argues that at the root
of the present conflict lies the tension between two modernization routes: a
bureaucratic top-down modernization that has allowed the allocation of
privileges to the secularist/nationalist elites, and the grassroots
socio-economic mobilization of conservative societal elements benefiting from
international integration and globalization.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Rise and Decline of the Turkish
“<st1:place w:st="on"><st1:PlaceName w:st="on">Deep</st1:PlaceName> <st1:PlaceType
w:st="on">State</st1:PlaceType></st1:place>”: The Ergenekon Case <br>
</span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Serdar Kaya" w:st="on"><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Serdar
Kaya<br>
</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>, Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp.
99-113<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This article tests Mancur Olson’s
theory of distributional coalitions against the case of the Turkish
“deep state.” Olson’s theory holds that rent-seeking (or
specialinterest) groups tend to be exclusive by nature and pursue only the
interests of their own members. Since their members account to a very small
minority, these groups present their interests as being the interests of
larger communities. The article argues that the Turkish case confirms the
fundamental assumptions of the theory of distributional coalitions. An
analysis of the historical process of the newly-exposed Turkish deep state
reveals that, when put in proper context, its clandestine activities manifest
a pattern which involves systematic efforts of an exclusive circle of group
members (1) to impact the workings of Turkish society, and more recently, (2)
to reverse the country’s democratization process in an effort to
sustain the network’s dominating influence.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Charting the Hamas Charter Changes <br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Mohamed Nimer<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 115-130<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Hamas Charter has sparked a lot of
controversy, both inside and outside the organization. This paper offers a
critical analysis of the original Charter that was issued in 1988. The
document attempted to offer an ideology to counter Zionism, but it advocated
views that are essentially anti-Jewish, xenophobic and outside the mainstream
of the scholarly tradition of Islam. The paper also highlights the
contradiction between the search for a just peace and the language of
triumphalism and demonization in the Charter. Tracing the political
development of Hamas since 1992, the paper presents evidence that current
political leaders of Hamas are moving the organization beyond the ideological
rhetoric of the early years of the movement. While they have abandoned the
outdated Charter, they have not developed a credible perspective on
negotiating peace.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Peacemaking between <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">America</st1:country-region></st1:place>
and the Muslim World: A New Beginning? <br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Nathan C. Funk <br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 131-150<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The arrival of the Obama administration has
created opportunities for positive and enduring change in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region></st1:place> relations with the Muslim
world. Although early attempts to replace confrontation and ideological
inflexibility with a more circumspect approach rooted in conciliatory
gestures and “enlightened” political realism are encouraging,
more substantial shifts in U.S.-Islamic relations will require commitment to
a strategy of active peacemaking that moves beyond the standard repertoire of
concepts and practices associated with the Cold War’<st1:PersonName
ProductID="s dominant international" w:st="on">s dominant international</st1:PersonName>
relations paradigm. Such a strategy would seek to grasp the potential
inherent in President Obama’s stated commitment to founding relations
upon “mutual interest and mutual respect,” breaking the present
impasse in U.S.-Islamic relations through principles and prescriptions
derived from academic studies of peacemaking as well as from a critical
re-evaluation of past U.S. policies.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
<br>
</span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><b><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
font-weight:bold'>Turkey</span></font></b></st1:country-region></st1:place><b><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
font-weight:bold'> in the UN Security Council: Its Elections and Performance <br>
</span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Berdal Aral" w:st="on"><font
size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Berdal
Aral</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
<font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp.151-168<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8'>Turkey</span></font></st1:country-region></st1:place><font
size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'> successfully gained provisional membership
of the United Nations Security Council by receiving support from 151 states
in the UN General Assembly. <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>
is serving in the SC for the period between January 1, 2009 and December 31,
2010. This historic achievement was the end product of arduous efforts on the
part of the Erdogan government which has braced itself for membership of the
Security Council since 2003. Membership no doubt brings <st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region> plenty of benefits, like enhancing <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>’s
international political weight and prestige. However, it also poses
challenges to the credibility of <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>’s multi-dimensional
and assertive foreign policy with its strong tinge of fairness. <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>
ought now to take principled stances on many key issues relevant to
international peace and security even at the cost of disappointing its long
list of friends.</span></font><font size=2 face=Arial><span style='font-size:
10.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
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<p class=MsoNormal><font size=1 face=Arial><span style='font-size:9.0pt;
font-family:Arial'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></p>
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<td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt'>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.2pt'><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8'>For details: <b><span style='font-weight:bold'><a
href="http://www.insightturkey.com/" title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><font
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title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><span
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<td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
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border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
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<p style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:0cm;margin-bottom:0cm;
margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><b><font size=2 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'><o:p> </o:p></span></font></b></p>
<p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.2pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Ihsan DAGI<br>
</span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Editor-in-Chief<br>
<br>
Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
Resit Galip Cad. Hereke Sokak No: 10<br>
GOP/Cankaya, 06700 <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:City w:st="on">Ankara</st1:City>,
<st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
Tel: +90.312.446-51 13 • Fax: +90.312.405-6903<br>
E-mail: <a href="mailto:insight@insightturkey.com"
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