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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
  face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
  color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></font></b></p>
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  <td width=587 colspan=2 height=1238 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
  face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
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  </span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Umit
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
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  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
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  Hasimi, pp. 21-27<br>
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  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
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  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Democracy
  in Muslim Contexts: What <st1:place w:st="on">Africa</st1:place> Can Bring to
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  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
  </span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Leonardo
  A. Villalón, pp. 41-50<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Islam
  and Democracy in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Indonesia</st1:country-region></st1:place></span></font></b><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'> <br>
  </span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Michael
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Muslim
  Democratic Parties in <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>,
  <st1:country-region w:st="on">Egypt</st1:country-region>, and <st1:place
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   Yildirim</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Globalization
  and the Crisis of Authoritarian Modernization in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place></span></font></b><font
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  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
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  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Hasan
  Kosebalaban, pp. 77-97<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>The
  Rise and Decline of the Turkish &#8220;<st1:place w:st="on"><st1:PlaceName
   w:st="on">Deep</st1:PlaceName> <st1:PlaceType w:st="on">State</st1:PlaceType></st1:place>&#8221;:
  The Ergenekon Case</span></font></b><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'> <br>
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   style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Serdar
   Kaya,</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'> pp. 99-113<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
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  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Charting
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  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
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  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Mohamed
  Nimer, pp. 115-130<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Peacemaking
  between <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">America</st1:country-region></st1:place>
  and the Muslim World: A New Beginning?</span></font></b><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:#046AA8'><br>
  </span></font><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Nathan
  C. Funk , pp. 131-150<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=navy
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:navy'><br>
  </span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><b><font
    size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
    font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Turkey</span></font></b></st1:country-region></st1:place><b><font
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   font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Berdal Aral</span></font></st1:PersonName><font
  size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>,
  pp.151-168<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><u><font size=1 face=Arial><span
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  </span></font></u><font size=1 color="#ff6600" face="Palatino Linotype"><span
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  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:
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  italic'>Living in the Ottoman Ecumenical Community: Essays in Honour of
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
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  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>M.
  Sukru Hanioglu, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>A Brief History of the
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
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  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
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  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Virginia
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
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  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Christoph
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
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  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Sadik
  Unay, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Neo-liberal Globalization and
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  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><b><i><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold;font-style:italic'>Development
  Planning in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
  </span></font></i></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Ziya
  Onis, p. 177<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:City w:st="on"><b><font size=1
    color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
    font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Austin</span></font></b></st1:City></st1:place><b><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'> Dacey, <i><span
  style='font-style:italic'>The Secular Conscience: Why Belief Belongs in Public
  Life<br>
  </span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Jodok
  Troy, p. 179<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Peter
  Mandaville, <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Global Political Islam<br>
  </span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Leif
  Stenberg, p. 181<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><st1:City w:st="on"><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span
   lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;
   font-weight:bold'>Yakub Halabi</span></font></b></st1:City><b><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>, <st1:country-region
  w:st="on"><i><span style='font-style:italic'>US</span></i></st1:country-region><i><span
  style='font-style:italic'> Foreign Policy in the <st1:place w:st="on">Middle
   East</st1:place>: From Crises to Change<br>
  </span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Janice
  J. Terry, p. 182<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Othon
  Anastasakis, Kalypso Nicolaidis and Kerem Oktem (eds.), <i><span
  style='font-style:italic'>In The Long Shadow of <st1:place w:st="on">Europe</st1:place>:
  Greeks and Turks in the Era of Postnationalism<br>
  </span></i></span></font></b><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Yaprak
  Gursoy, p. 185<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:0cm;margin-bottom:
  12.0pt;margin-left:21.25pt'><font size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8;font-weight:bold'>Carol
  M. Swain (ed.), <i><span style='font-style:italic'>Debating Immigration<br>
  </span></i></span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Deniz Sert" w:st="on"><font
   size=1 color=black face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US
   style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Palatino Linotype";color:black'>Deniz
   Sert</span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 color=black
  face="Palatino Linotype"><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  "Palatino Linotype";color:black'>, p. 187</span></font><font size=1
  face=Arial><span style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  </td>
 </tr>
 <tr height=36 style='height:27.0pt'>
  <td width=587 colspan=2 height=36 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:
  none;border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
  padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;height:27.0pt'>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:3.2pt'><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span
  lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>ABSTRACTS</span></font></b><font
  size=2 face=Arial><span style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  </td>
 </tr>
 <tr>
  <td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
  border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
  padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt'>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><u><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Commentaries<br>
  <br>
  </span></font></u><font size=1 color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Emergence of the
  &#8216;Government&#8217;s Perspective on the Kurdish Issue</span></font></b><font
  size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'><br>
  Umit Cizre<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 1-12<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The AK Party&#8217;s chronic
  &#8216;political insecurity&#8217; may have passed a threshold as the ruling
  party resurfaces as an actor taking advantage of its pro-European Union sentiments
  to begin a &#8216;grand negotiation&#8217; with Turkey&#8217;s thus-far
  publicly shunned Kurdish leaders after decades of bloodshed. This new window
  of opportunity could not have emerged without the explosion of the Ergenekon
  incident, which has offered a persuasive critique of the closed, dark,
  intolerant and secret communities friendly with the military bureaucracy and
  state officials but insidiously devoted to destroying the government. In the
  post-Ergenekon era, the new democratic opening represents a significant departure
  from a military solution to the Kurdish issue which has blocked civilian
  imaginations by declaring the Kurdish identity demands as a security threat
  to the officially proscribed Turkish identity. The real issue at stake now
  for the AK Party government is a redefinition of the locus and space where
  the phenomenon of real political power takes place in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Kurdish Question: The Reasons
  and Fortunes of the &#8216;Opening&#8217; <br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Cengiz Candar<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 13-19<font color=navy><span style='color:navy'>&nbsp;&nbsp;
  [<a
  href="http://www.insightturkey.com/Insight_Turkey_2009_4_Cengiz_Candar.pdf">Full
  Text</a>]</span></font><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This commentary reflects on the Turkish
  government&#8217;s recent &#8216;opening&#8217; to address the Kurdish
  problem and the domestic, regional and international conditions that created
  a conducive environment for this initiative. It maintains that although the
  Turkish leadership has grasped the new dynamics of the regional and domestic
  developments and changed its conventional perception of the problem, the
  initiative is constrained by the fact that it is motivated by a concern to
  remove the violent aspect of the Kurdish question, i.e., terminating the
  Kurdish insurgency once and for all. It also suggests that despite the
  optimism generated by the opening to solve the Kurdish problem, the
  achievement of its ultimate objective is far more complex than seen at the
  first glance. The commentary places a special attention on the dilemmas
  encountered by the Democratic Society Party as it seeks to represent the
  demands of its predominantly Kurdish constituency.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Mapping the Pathways: Public
  Perception and Kurdish Question<br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Cemalettin Hasimi<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 21-27<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The Kurdish initiative announced by the governing
  Justice and Development Party has increased the discussions on the proper
  ways and forms of dealing with the Kurdish question in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>. The announcement acted as
  an opening of Pandora&#8217;s box through which all different images of the
  problem began to be manifested simultaneously. Assuming that the public
  perception would have a direct impact on the trajectory of the implementation
  of the initiative, this essay examines different aspects of the public
  perception of the issue by relying on the findings of a joint survey
  conducted by SETA and Pollmark. It is contended that effective settlement of
  the Kurdish question requires encountering and resolving certain tensions in
  the public perceptions, which can be done by achieving a language in which
  the grammar of politics and the values that maintain social integration is
  more transitional and interdependent.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><font size=1 color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
  </span></font><u><font size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Articles<o:p></o:p></span></font></u></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#292929" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#292929'><br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>A Research Note on Islam,
  Democracy, and Secularism <br>
  </span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Ahmet T. Kuru" w:st="on"><font
   size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Ahmet
   T. Kuru</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
  <font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 29-40<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This essay examines the validity of the
  argument that the alleged theological lack of state-religion separation in
  Islam is the reason for authoritarianism in many Muslim-majority countries.
  The essay criticizes this argument by showing that a) secularism, in the
  sense of state-religion separation, is neither a necessary nor sufficient
  condition for democracy; b) Islam is not an inherently and exceptionally
  political religion, and c) 20 out of 46 Muslim-majority states are secular.
  The essay point out that rather than analyzing the so-called essence of Islam
  as prodemocratic or anti-democratic, it may be more effective to explore the
  socio-political and economic conditions that have led to democracy or
  authoritarianism in Muslim-majority countries.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Democracy in Muslim Contexts: What <st1:place
  w:st="on">Africa</st1:place> Can Bring to the Discussion?<br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Leonardo A. Villalón<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 41-50<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>While the question of the relationship
  between Islam and democracy continues to attract significant attention from
  scholars and policymakers, African cases have been largely absent from these
  debates. This article argues that the experiences of sub-Saharan African
  Muslim societies may nevertheless have much to contribute to our
  understanding of democratic prospects in the Muslim world. Considering the experiences
  of three Francophone countries of Sahelian West Africa, it explores the ways
  in which the democratization experiments led by secular civil society
  activists in the early 1990s moved from the initial resistance of deeply
  religious Muslim majorities to an acceptance of democracy as the only
  legitimating bases of political systems. The article argues that this was
  possible due to the significant negotiation both within religious society and
  between religious groups and the secular elite on the actual content of
  democracy. These cases thus suggest a number of tentative but important
  lessons for our understanding of democratic possibilities in the Muslim
  world.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Islam and Democracy in <st1:place
  w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Indonesia</st1:country-region></st1:place><br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Michael Buehler<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 51-63<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Islam and democracy are said to be in a
  relationship fraught with problems as the former, allegedly, does not allow
  secular law to be put above divine law or accept the legitimacy of worldly
  authorities. This relationship is less problematic in Indonesia, a democratic
  Muslim-majority country, the argument goes, due to the syncretic forms of
  Islam practiced in the archipelago state that are less dogmatic, and hence
  more conducive to democratic principles. While this is a valuable point,
  various factors extraneous to &#8216;moderate Indonesian Islam,&#8217; such
  as a fragmented Islamic authority in civil society, a weakly
  institutionalized party system as well as dynamics triggered by recent
  institutional reforms all play a role in the continuing insignificance of
  political Islam in the country.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Muslim Democratic Parties in <st1:country-region
  w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>, <st1:country-region w:st="on">Egypt</st1:country-region>,
  and <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Morocco</st1:country-region></st1:place>:
  An Economic Explanation <br>
  </span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="A. Kadir Yildirim" w:st="on"><font
   size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>A.
   Kadir Yildirim</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
  <font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 65-76<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The recent emergence of Muslim democratic
  parties such as AKP in <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>
  and PJD in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Morocco</st1:country-region></st1:place>
  draws attention to the perennial question on the moderation of Islamist
  parties yet again. Economic liberalization and the accompanying socioeconomic
  transformation underlie the democratic and liberal turn political Islam has
  taken in the <st1:place w:st="on">Middle East</st1:place>. The precise nature
  of liberalization is critical to this moderation. Competitive liberalization,
  by enabling peripheral groups to benefit from liberalization, conduces to the
  renewed interest in democracy and a liberal system. Crony liberalization, by
  reinforcing the archaic rent-seeking relationship between the state and big
  business and continuing to marginalize the peripheral groups from politics
  and the economy, sustains the interest of peripheral groups in the reactionary
  discourse of Islamism. The strength of Muslim democratic parties is a
  reflection of competitiveness economic reforms introduce in the society and
  the economy.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Globalization and the Crisis of
  Authoritarian Modernization in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place> <br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Hasan Kosebalaban<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 77-97<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Conventional models developed through the
  conceptual lenses of modernization theory dating back to the 1960s, are no
  longer applicable to Turkish politics; they fall short of grasping the
  changes that Turkish ideologies experienced in recent decades. In the face of
  <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>&#8217;s
  growing democratization and societal modernization, Turkish secularists have
  lost their status as agents of reform and gradually emerged as defenders of
  the status quo in the face of the rapid mobilization of Anatolian-based
  conservative society. However, no factor was more responsible for this
  transformation than the comprehensive external and internal structural
  changes that <st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region>
  experienced in the post-Cold War era, leading to the emergence of a globalist
  conservative ideology in large parts of <st1:place w:st="on">Anatolia</st1:place>.
  This paper examines the question of why those who are commonly associated in
  Western scholarly discourse with progress and modernity, have fallen behind
  the Muslim conservatives in pursuit of democratization and further
  integration of the country with the West. The paper argues that at the root
  of the present conflict lies the tension between two modernization routes: a
  bureaucratic top-down modernization that has allowed the allocation of
  privileges to the secularist/nationalist elites, and the grassroots
  socio-economic mobilization of conservative societal elements benefiting from
  international integration and globalization.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>The Rise and Decline of the Turkish
  &#8220;<st1:place w:st="on"><st1:PlaceName w:st="on">Deep</st1:PlaceName> <st1:PlaceType
   w:st="on">State</st1:PlaceType></st1:place>&#8221;: The Ergenekon Case <br>
  </span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Serdar Kaya&#11;" w:st="on"><font
   size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Serdar
   Kaya<br>
   </span></font></st1:PersonName><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US
  style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>, Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp.
  99-113<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>This article tests Mancur Olson&#8217;s
  theory of distributional coalitions against the case of the Turkish
  &#8220;deep state.&#8221; Olson&#8217;s theory holds that rent-seeking (or
  specialinterest) groups tend to be exclusive by nature and pursue only the
  interests of their own members. Since their members account to a very small
  minority, these groups present their interests as being the interests of
  larger communities. The article argues that the Turkish case confirms the
  fundamental assumptions of the theory of distributional coalitions. An
  analysis of the historical process of the newly-exposed Turkish deep state
  reveals that, when put in proper context, its clandestine activities manifest
  a pattern which involves systematic efforts of an exclusive circle of group
  members (1) to impact the workings of Turkish society, and more recently, (2)
  to reverse the country&#8217;s democratization process in an effort to
  sustain the network&#8217;s dominating influence.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Charting the Hamas Charter Changes <br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Mohamed Nimer<br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 115-130<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>Hamas Charter has sparked a lot of
  controversy, both inside and outside the organization. This paper offers a
  critical analysis of the original Charter that was issued in 1988. The
  document attempted to offer an ideology to counter Zionism, but it advocated
  views that are essentially anti-Jewish, xenophobic and outside the mainstream
  of the scholarly tradition of Islam. The paper also highlights the
  contradiction between the search for a just peace and the language of
  triumphalism and demonization in the Charter. Tracing the political
  development of Hamas since 1992, the paper presents evidence that current
  political leaders of Hamas are moving the organization beyond the ideological
  rhetoric of the early years of the movement. While they have abandoned the
  outdated Charter, they have not developed a credible perspective on
  negotiating peace.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial;font-weight:bold'>Peacemaking between <st1:place
  w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">America</st1:country-region></st1:place>
  and the Muslim World: A New Beginning? <br>
  </span></font></b><font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:
  9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Nathan C. Funk <br>
  Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp. 131-150<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'>The arrival of the Obama administration has
  created opportunities for positive and enduring change in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">U.S.</st1:country-region></st1:place> relations with the Muslim
  world. Although early attempts to replace confrontation and ideological
  inflexibility with a more circumspect approach rooted in conciliatory
  gestures and &#8220;enlightened&#8221; political realism are encouraging,
  more substantial shifts in U.S.-Islamic relations will require commitment to
  a strategy of active peacemaking that moves beyond the standard repertoire of
  concepts and practices associated with the Cold War&#8217;<st1:PersonName
  ProductID="s dominant international" w:st="on">s dominant international</st1:PersonName>
  relations paradigm. Such a strategy would seek to grasp the potential
  inherent in President Obama&#8217;s stated commitment to founding relations
  upon &#8220;mutual interest and mutual respect,&#8221; breaking the present
  impasse in U.S.-Islamic relations through principles and prescriptions
  derived from academic studies of peacemaking as well as from a critical
  re-evaluation of past U.S. policies.<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt'><font size=1
  color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'><br>
  <br>
  </span></font><st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><b><font
    size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
    font-weight:bold'>Turkey</span></font></b></st1:country-region></st1:place><b><font
  size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
  font-weight:bold'> in the UN Security Council: Its Elections and Performance <br>
  </span></font></b><st1:PersonName ProductID="Berdal Aral" w:st="on"><font
   size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial'>Berdal
   Aral</span></font></st1:PersonName><br>
  <font size=1 face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:
  Arial'>Insight <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>,
  Vol. 11, No.4, 2009, pp.151-168<o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:0cm;margin-right:12.6pt;
  margin-bottom:0cm;margin-left:21.2pt;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-align:justify'><st1:place
  w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on"><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
    face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
    color:#046AA8'>Turkey</span></font></st1:country-region></st1:place><font
  size=1 color="#046aa8" face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial;color:#046AA8'> successfully gained provisional membership
  of the United Nations Security Council by receiving support from 151 states
  in the UN General Assembly. <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>
  is serving in the SC for the period between January 1, 2009 and December 31,
  2010. This historic achievement was the end product of arduous efforts on the
  part of the Erdogan government which has braced itself for membership of the
  Security Council since 2003. Membership no doubt brings <st1:country-region
  w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region> plenty of benefits, like enhancing <st1:place
  w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>&#8217;s
  international political weight and prestige. However, it also poses
  challenges to the credibility of <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:country-region
   w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>&#8217;s multi-dimensional
  and assertive foreign policy with its strong tinge of fairness. <st1:place
  w:st="on"><st1:country-region w:st="on">Turkey</st1:country-region></st1:place>
  ought now to take principled stances on many key issues relevant to
  international peace and security even at the cost of disappointing its long
  list of friends.</span></font><font size=2 face=Arial><span style='font-size:
  10.0pt;font-family:Arial'><o:p></o:p></span></font></p>
  </td>
 </tr>
 <tr>
  <td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
  border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
  padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt'>
  <p class=MsoNormal><font size=1 face=Arial><span style='font-size:9.0pt;
  font-family:Arial'><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></span></font></p>
  </td>
 </tr>
 <tr>
  <td width=587 colspan=2 valign=top style='width:440.6pt;border-top:none;
  border-left:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;border-bottom:none;border-right:solid #0472B6 1.0pt;
  padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt'>
  <p class=MsoNormal style='margin-left:21.2pt'><font size=1 color="#046aa8"
  face=Arial><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:Arial;
  color:#046AA8'>For details: <b><span style='font-weight:bold'><a
  href="http://www.insightturkey.com/" title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><font
  color="#046aa8" title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><span
  title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><span
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  title="http://www.insightturkey.com/"><span
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